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171.
Italy is often presented as a showcase of populist parties. In the 2013 parliamentary elections, half of the Italian electorate voted for a party that has been labelled populist. During the 1994–2011 period, Italy witnessed four coalition governments dominated by populists. In line with the framework guiding this special issue, Italy thus offers a unique opportunity to trace the reactions of political and societal actors to populists in government. We propose that it is necessary to examine not only how populism's opponents react, but also how fellow populists respond. Indeed, we observe in Italy, on the one hand, what we will call mutating populism and, on the other hand, a peculiar mixture of paralysis, antagonism, and imitation by their opponents. This contribution is structured as follows: first, we describe Italian populism in the context of the end of the Italian First Republic and the emergence of the new party system under the Second Republic. In the process we discuss events under the four Berlusconi governments (1994–1995; 2001–2005; 2005–2006; 2008–2011). In each phase, we distinguish between populist and anti-populist contenders. We also describe the reactions abroad to governing Italian populists, especially within the European Union.  相似文献   
172.
应对是个体在应激环境或事件中,对该环境或事件做出认知评价以及继认知评价之后为平衡自身精神状态所采取的措施。刑警工作具有高负荷、高应激、高风险等特征,刑警有效地应对应激事件,将对心理健康产生重要影响。通过运用专业化的心理测评工具和科学的数据统计分析,从实证性的角度为了解刑警应对的现状和存在的问题提供第一手的数据材料,为改进队伍管理方式,提高队伍素质,关注刑警的身心健康提供科学的参考。  相似文献   
173.
本文以印度尼西亚西爪哇省的主要国际贸易港口城市井里汶市为例,对当地华裔学生的华语学习情况做了一个调查,这些学生年龄偏小;课堂学习华语的时间较少,课外学习时间不够;学习途径单一,主要通过课堂教学;学习兴趣不高;学习动机多样且不明确。对此,笔者提出三大教学对策:一是学校积极采取措施,创造良好的华语校园环境;二是教师抓好课堂教学,营造积极的课堂学习氛围;三是学生延伸学习时间,开拓多元的自主学习资源。  相似文献   
174.
Abstract

The development of the vernacular language during the New Culture Movement was only intended as a transitional stage to the goal of abolishing the Chinese language. Intellectuals such as Qian Xuantong, Lu Xun, Hu Shi, and Chen Duxiu all advocated to varying degrees the Romanization, Latinization, and abolition of the Chinese language. Chen Yinke, however, argued that the adoption of a Europeanized grammatical structure, and the borrowing of neologisms from abroad, such as Japan, altered the fundamental property of Chinese as an independent language. Reassessing the language reform of the May Fourth today, it is evident that the development of the simplified character, the vernacular language, and the pinyin did not achieve the goal of unifying the spoken and written Chinese. Instead by eliminating the classical language, the language reform removed the ability of the vernacular-speaking masses to create a literature of the written words.  相似文献   
175.
Old Europe, new Europe and the transatlantic security agenda / edited by Kerry Longhurst and Marcin Zaborowski. ‐London and New York : Routledge, 2005. ‐ vii, 213 p. ‐ ISBN 0–415–34820‐X  相似文献   
176.
This article sheds light on the Euro-Atlantic discourse in Georgia by situating it in a wider frame. It provides an analysis of its Euro-Atlantic orientation by presenting it as a continuation of past efforts to involve European powers in Georgian affairs and highlights changing trends in this aspect of contemporary foreign policy. Far from determining whether or not the Georgians are European, the different arguments that have been used to support Georgian “Europeanness” are evaluated to assess its role in the national identity construction process. Focusing primarily on the United National Movement government led by Mikheil Saakashvili, we demonstrate how the Euro-Atlantic discourse has been employed domestically by the political elite as a legitimacy management strategy and explore its function in seeking Western patronage, a key foreign policy goal.  相似文献   
177.
ABSTRACT

The political instability that has characterised Sudanese politics since independence is attributable to political exclusion, economic neglect and marginalisation. Discrimination based on religion, language and culture has constituted the main contradictions between the masses of the Sudanese people (periphery) and the politically dominant Arabised Nubians (centre) in all the different politico-ideological hues experienced by the nation. Attempts to resolve this contradiction have left the structural imbalances inherited from the colonial administration of the Sudan intact. This explains the resurgence of war, particularly in Southern Sudan. The recent peace agreements between the National Congress Party (NCP), namely the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) with the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A); the Darfur Peace Agreement with the Sudanese Liberation Movement (SLM) (Minawi); the Cairo Agreement with the National Democratic Alliance and the Eastern Sudan Peace Agreement with the Eastern Sudan Front, have left the NCP still in firm control of the oppressive state machinery. The CPA power-sharing protocol awarded the NCP a majority which institutionalises a power asymmetry that the NCP utilises to obstruct implementation of the CPA and delay the process of democratic transformation.

This article analyses the asymmetry in the NCP–SPLM partnership and power relationship. It assumes that the tragic death of Dr. John Garang de Mabior is a major cause of the political weakness demonstrated by the SPLM since 2005. This power imbalance jeopardises the CPA implementation and the future of the Sudan as a state.  相似文献   
178.
自1992年大湄公河次区域经济合作机制正式启动以来,国内学术界对中国云南省与周边国家开展教育合作与交流的研究,围绕合作方式、政策环境、合作机制、合作问题与对策等方面开展了比较全面深入的研究,取得了丰硕成果,但在合作项目实施效果评价、合作机制等方面仍需深入研究。  相似文献   
179.
五四爱国运动是在五四新文化运动的催生下爆发的,它同时又扩大深化了五四新文化运动。五四新文化运动是中国的文艺复兴,是一场对民族文化进行批判和创新的运动。五四文学革命则是五四新文化运动的主要内容,其基本精神是思想自由、个性解放,也就是人的解放。  相似文献   
180.
彩弹对抗是反恐、处突和警务执法活动中是一项重要的战术训练内容。本文以实战模拟研究方法为研究基点,采集中国人民公安大学为我国某市组织的彩弹对抗训练警员的实战信息,深入分析彩弹对抗战法的一般性规律,力图建立战术训练模型,为组织和实施彩弹对抗战术训练提供依据。  相似文献   
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