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71.
皇民化运动时期,一部分台湾人作为台籍日本兵被强征进入日本军队,这些人既有被迫及无奈而参加的,也有小部分是志愿加入的,但此中志愿包含殖民统治高压下心灵扭曲的背景。至于极少数受殖民主义、军国主义毒害者,则应予以揭露。台籍日本兵的历史告诉人们,皇民化运动确曾给台湾社会带来了一定的负面影响,但同时也不必过高估计这种影响。  相似文献   
72.
“五四”知识分子对中国与西方、传统与现代的认同危机非常突出,主要表现为身份认同危机、文化认同危机与思想认同危机。社会认同理论是群体关系研究中最具影响力的理论之一,针对社会认同的威胁,它提出了几种化解认同危机的有效策略。从社会认同理论的视角看,“五四”知识分子主要采取了脱离群体与改变群体状态这两种策略,这两种策略基本是成功的。  相似文献   
73.
通过构建基于博士学位点发展情况的我国区域博士学位点发展模型,并运用多层线性模型(HLM)分析技术对我国31个省份(直辖市或者自治区,以下简称31个省份)博士学位点(二级学科)在2005-2011年期间的发展情况展开追踪研究。实证分析结果显示:第一,我国博士学位点的发展情况表现出显著的区域差异性;第二,区域博士学位点的总体发展趋势表现出线性增长的特点;第三,各省经济发展水平对博士学位点的发展存在显著影响;第四,除了经济发展水平的影响外,还存在其他因素影响区域博士学位点的发展情况。  相似文献   
74.
焦佩 《当代韩国》2013,(1):75-83
韩国的环保运动和绿党建设在世界上并不属于先进之列,但在亚洲比很多国家先行一步。正是这先行的一步,为文化相似、经济发展阶段相近的周边国家提供了借鉴经验。20世纪90年代全面展开的韩国环保运动,一直坚持草根政治路线,致力模仿欧洲绿党建党。2012年3月成立的绿党,将政治选举和社会运动结合在一起,具有运动政党的典型特征。但是,由于韩国政治制度和社会环境还没有为绿党的发展提供必要的条件,韩国绿党不仅很难进入国会,甚至不能继续正式注册。如何进一步丰富政党政策,巩固政党组织,增加绿色理念的社会认知度,直接决定韩国绿党能否获得新生。  相似文献   
75.
The present article critically evaluates the contribution of the Shevchenko Scientific Society, USA, and the founder of the Association for the Study of Nationalities (ASN), Stepan Horak, to the genesis and development of the ASN.  相似文献   
76.
Increasing attention has been drawn to the risk posed by air pollution, a risk that has wide-ranging effects (on the environment, health, the economy, culture, urban design and politics). New environmental movements and political agendas have emerged in the past 10 years. A growing number of social groups have been formed to express their concerns and challenge established laws and rules. This paper will borrow Ulrich Beck's concepts of risk, reflexivity and sub-politics to analyse the new social movement that addresses air quality in Hong Kong. While previous environmental problems were considered manageable, air pollution is a risk that seems to defy solution. As a result of the institutional failure to deal with this risk, there has been a new alignment of interests and the emergence of a new form of politics—a sub-politics that leads to a sharing of power between established and informal politics, and the government and society. Although established political institutions have been receptive, altering the rules and increasing public participation, the extent of sub-politicization is still limited. This is due, in part, to the overall absence of reflexive self-regulation among individuals in the society, which might lead to a state of ‘disorganized irresponsibility’.  相似文献   
77.
The enduring economic crisis, austerity measures and corruption scandals have created a favourable environment for the advent of new political actors all over Europe. During the last general elections (February 2013), Italy was shocked by the inexorable rise of the Five Star Movement. Beppe Grillo’s creature upset the political system, occupying portions of the public sphere that had been ignored (the web) or gradually abandoned by traditional political parties (the squares). Its unusual campaigning style, its internet-based organisational structure, its atypical political positioning (beyond left and right), and its oversimplification of complex problems all help to explain its electoral performance, and distinguish it from similar anti-establishment parties that have emerged in Europe over the past decade.  相似文献   
78.
The European Union has been trying to achieve its long-term goals through partnerships and cooperation with other like-minded global actors. Africa (through its regional institutional body, the African Union) has been the first and only multilateral entity with which the EU has forged a long-term partnership. Despite its rhetorical language, the Africa--EU Strategic Partnership is unlikely to upgrade the political and economic interaction between the two partners. In the past few years, serious rifts have grown between the EU and its African counterparts concerning trade agreements and development policies. Moreover, new actors have made significant inroads in Africa, providing an alternative to its long-standing dependence on Europe.  相似文献   
79.
This article examines the lack of mass mobilization by Iraqi Kurds to establish an independent Kurdistan. It argues that while the outcome of an unofficial January 2005 referendum – in which 98 per cent of Kurds supported independence – was a clear expression of their will, the political opportunity structures within which the Kurdistan Referendum Movement operates are closed to the formation of a mass-based social movement. Utilizing data from a survey of Kurdish elites and activists, as well as follow-up interviews, this analysis provides insights into the future of democracy in Iraq and the value of political opportunity theory in understanding mass mobilization.  相似文献   
80.
中日经济立法与理论研究之比较   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
中日两国都是当今世界上经济法最为繁盛的国家。两国的经济都经历三个非常相似的阶段,两国的经济法立法相应地分为三个阶段。纵观中日两国经济法立法史,中、日两国都十分重视经济法立法,强调政府对经济发展的主导作用,立法赋予了政府较多市场规制权限,“强政府”形象凸显于市场。但是,二者之间的差异也是十分明显的。中国的经济法学研究在短短的二十年之内经历了模仿、引进阶段,逐步形成了独具特色、成熟的经济法理论体系,流派纷呈。在日本,经济法学界的分歧较小,普遍认为反垄断法是经济法的核心和基本内容。  相似文献   
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