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31.
李九丽 《北京青年政治学院学报》2003,12(3):30-32
从德育的内容、途径、方法上对德育的实践性进行了深入的探讨。大学生全面素质的提高最终是通过各种有益的社会实践来实现的,取决于他们日常的积累和养成。德育工作者要认真设计活动的内容,使学生在活动中积极思考,能动的选择并逐步达到自我完善的过程。 相似文献
32.
Rolf Rauschenbach 《Swiss Political Science Review》2012,18(4):477-497
In this article, it is proposed to differentiate political cultures in two dimensions. First, inspired by Habermas' distinction of the contents of discourse, a distinction is suggested between moral, ethical‐political and pragmatic elements of political culture as well as of an element of culture of balancing interests. Second, inspired by Kohlberg's stage models for the development of the individual moral consciousness and for moral culture, a distinction is similarly suggested between two pre‐conventional, two conventional and two post‐conventional collective stages of political culture. It can be shown that from a normative point of view, only deliberations made in a post‐conventional political culture can produce reasonable or at least fair results. Conceptual considerations indicate processes of direct democracy as the method for promoting post‐conventional political cultures. The more liberty that the citizens have to formulate and trigger processes of direct democracy, the more one can expect from them to generate post‐conventional political cultures. 相似文献
33.
陈志远 《江苏行政学院学报》2008,5(3):14-19
康德历史哲学的地位和理论基础长期以来处在争论当中。以历史理性批判问题为线索,康德的历史哲学相关文本可以分为三类:自然理性的现象史、判断力的反思史和道德理性的建构史。道德理性的建构史代表了康德后期关于历史哲学的成熟思考,实践理性批判因此可以看作为康德历史哲学的理论基础。 相似文献
34.
通过对云南警官学院普通专业学生思想道德状况的全面调查分析,思想政治主流积极健康、价值取向积极向上,但也存在一些不容忽视的问题,要解决这一矛盾,需要合理的教育与引导,也需进一步完善教育制度。 相似文献
35.
翟艳春 《江南社会学院学报》2008,10(2):66-68
佛教本身是一种出世的宗教,以追求生死解脱为核心,却有着浓厚的入世精神和人文关怀.但是今天佛教面临着现代社会的诸多挑战,我们不得不承认佛教的命运决定于对社会的关怀,佛教的价值决定于对21世纪人类社会的作用。在构建社会主义和谐社会的进程中,如何发挥佛教的作用,也决定着中国佛教的未来发展走向。 相似文献
36.
宋永利 《山东行政学院学报》2005,(2):119-120
德育叙事即通过德育主体的故事叙说来描绘德育行为,进行意义建构并使德育活动获得解释性的意义理解。其对德育者、德育对象、德育方法和德育评价方式都具有突践价值。 相似文献
37.
李勒 《山东行政学院学报》2005,(4):32-33
互联网的迅速发展给传统的高校德育工作带来了一系列的问题,既是机遇又是挑战。抓住时机,寻找对策:建立德育和思想政治教育网站;培养新型德育教育工作者;加强互联网的规范管理。 相似文献
38.
Political parties at times use moral appeals to voters outside of their support base, i.e., non-copartisan voters. Yet, morality is typically considered a divisive force in politics. Does moral rhetoric actually alleviate or exacerbate divides between parties and non-copartisan voters? The paper addresses this question by focusing on non-copartisans’ attitudes towards the party. Insights from previous work on moral persuasion and attitudinal bias suggest a conflicting picture. On the one hand, moral rhetoric is likely to make morally aligned non-copartisans more favourable towards the party. On the other hand, moral rhetoric is unlikely to make even the morally aligned favourable towards the party. In fact, moral rhetoric may further push away non-copartisans with pre-existing hostility. Using original, representative survey experiments from Britain, the paper finds that moral rhetoric can increase favourable attitudes and that it does not further promote hostility. Morality in party competition does not necessarily fuel division. 相似文献
39.
The literature regards clientelism as a negative practice because of its particularism, informality, inequality, and inefficiency. At present, we know little about whether citizens in communities where clientelism is prevalent share this assessment. However, their evaluations are the ones that are critical for the persistence of clientelism. We explore the attitudes of citizens towards clientelism with conjoint experiments administered with respondents from two poor communities in South Africa and Tunisia, and a sample of academics that we use as benchmark. On average, Tunisian and South African respondents evaluate clientelism more favorably than academics. All groups see particularism and inequality as negative features but only academics care about informality. Clients are evaluated much more positively than patrons in the exchange. Our findings suggest that clientelism persists not only because communities fail to coordinate around a programmatic candidate but because clientelism is considered as a legitimate strategy to access resources. 相似文献
40.
Three online studies investigated the association between moral disengagement and men’s self-reported harassment proclivity. Participants (total N?=?336) were required to read a vignette depicting either quid pro quo harassment (studies 1 and 2) or hostile work environment harassment (study 3). A salience manipulation was used in each study to explore the causal directionality of this association. The mediating effects of moral judgment, negative affect (guilt and shame) and positive affect (happiness) about the harassment were also assessed as participants were asked to imagine themselves as the harassment perpetrator. Across the three studies, it was shown that moral disengagement had an indirect effect in predicting men’s proclivity to harass by lowering their moral judgment and negative affect about the harassment, conversely amplifying positive affect. Overall, the findings support social cognitive theory, indicating that moral disengagement may enable people to self-regulate their own behavioural inclinations to harass. 相似文献