进城务工女性劳动和社会保障权益保护的现状分析及对策建议——以新《妇女权益保障法》为视角

《妇女权益保障法》是一部以妇女为主体,以全面保护妇女合法权益为主要内容的基本法,本文以其为视角,探讨分析进城务工女性劳动和社会保障权的立法、执法和司法的环境进行深层的剖析,分析产生的原因,提出对策建议。     

论个人隐私权的行政法保护

从隐私权的私权属性出发,应该确立以私权为核心的隐私权行政法保护理念;行政权力公共利益属性决定了隐私权行政法保护离不开行政公开制度建构;在平衡政府权力与个人权利的关系中,制定个人隐私权保护法,为隐私权行政法保护提供直接法律依据。     

试论弱势群体与社会公正

当今社会,弱势群体问题已引起社会各界的广为关注,但人们在对弱势群体的认识上还缺乏一种社会公正的理念,致使在处理和对待有关弱势群体的问题上有失公允。社会公正应首先体现在社会权利的平等上,其次要处理好公平与效率的关系,最后要解决的是起点公平和机会均等。     

试论《物权法》的价值

第十届全国人民代表大会第五次会议通过了《中华人民共和国物权法》,这部法律历经八审,有着重要的现实意义。本文通过对《物权法》在确认、保护财产归属、保障交易安全和提高财产利用效益四个方面价值的分析进而揭示《物权法》的重要意义。     

以权利制约权力的思考

以权利制约权力体现了政治文明的新发展。它实现了制约力量的对等性;体现了对少数人权利的尊重与保护;是法治精神的完整体现。以权利制约权力表现为消极制约和积极制约两种形式。而要有效地实现以权利制约权力,需要通过以下两个途径:一是细化个体权利主体的权利,形成权利群制约权力;二是权利主体之间的权利联合,形成权利群制约权力。     

从法院判决的稳定性解读法律运行的不确定性

对同一案件事实,相同的诉讼证据,不同的法官为何会有不同的认定?同类的案件,相近的事实,为什么不同的法院会作出截然相反的判决?这种法律在运行过程中,由于受到各种因素的制约与影响,使立法者的立法初衷在法律实践中发生了各种形式的变异,就是法律运行的不确定性。本文将在现行司法体制的框架下,剖析法律运行中的不确定性因素,探讨降低法律运行不确定性的对策。以期降低各种不确定性因素对司法行为的不当影响,提高司法能力,构筑法治状态下的和谐社会。     

宪法权利如何进入私法——一个“馒头”引发的法学思考

从年初至今互联网上的"馒头"事件引发出的一连串"博弈"效应,在法学领域具有值得深入发掘的理论价值.文章采用一种"抽丝剥茧"的论证方式,对"馒头"案所涉的私法问题、宪法问题以及宪法与私法之间的博弈问题进行深入细致的阐述,对博弈各方的宪法权利、权利冲撞、冲撞协调给予了一一论证.并结合德国经验的启示,提供了符合中国国情的宪法权利冲突解决方案,为宪法权利进入私法提供一种"实证"性的进路.     

略论我国宪法的司法化

宪法作为国家的最高法律,不能仅仅停留在记载历史事实,描述未来社会的行动纲领或者反映国家的政策主张这一层面上,而是要确立司法手段解决社会生活中产生的宪法问题。但我国现行宪法几乎一直被排除在司法领域之外,这不仅与我国社会主义市场经济体制不相适应,而且也与社会主义法治原则不相吻合。因此,必须积极推动我国宪法的司法化进程。     

The National-Bolshevik Party and Arctogaia: two neo-fascist groupuscules in the post-Soviet political space

Mathyl examines two representatives of the Russian groupuscular right-Arctogaia and the National-Bolskevik Party-and their emergence after the collapse of the Soviet system in 1991, in the context of the radicalization of Russian nationalism that took place during the inter-Russian power struggle of 1992-3. The ideological arsenal of these groups consists principally of a politico-historical reconciliation between western (neo-)fascism and authoritarian nationalist Russian and Soviet traditions, in which those traditions are intensified and synthesized into a new kind of 'national Bolshevism'. The success of neo-fascist groupuscules demonstrates how potentially explosive the fascist diagnosis of the status quo can behaving been preserved virtually intact since 1945-when it meets with a new situation of high political instability and is employed in intensive political propaganda, as was the case in post-perestroika Russia. Following the nationalists' military defeat in October 1993, the Russian groupuscular right attempted both to maintain the revolutionary impetus and, through a variety of cultural-political activities, to contribute to the gradual enlargement of the nationalist-imperialist project, thereby demonstrating its close connection to the New Right and its strategy of struggling for cultural hegemony. Since the end of the 1990s, there has been, within the groupuscular right, both an increasingly apparent ideological transfer from East to West, and evidence of the growing influence of national Bolshevism on western third-positionist groups.     

Conceptualising and measuring ‘centrism’ correctly on the Left–Right scale (RILE) - without systematic bias. A general response by MARPOR

The purpose of this response is to point out that claims of undue centrism in the MARPOR data are directly contradicted by its use to correct centrism in other leading policy measures including expert surveys.