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111.
落实“三个服务” 体现领导水平   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
王在浩 《工会论坛》2009,15(5):19-20
提高领导水平,不仅是一个理论问题,主要还是一个实践问题。在当前学习落实科学发展观的形势下,领导干部必须学习和体会"领导就是服务"思想的深刻内涵,树立和坚持为职工群众服务的理念,理清和始终认定服务的思路,切实把"服务"体现在工作的每一个行动上。  相似文献   
112.
网络组党结社是信息化时代秘密结社的一种新型组织形态,具有政治诉求多元、组织发展隐秘、活动方式多变以及成员结构复杂等特性,在一定程度上对国家政治安全有着潜在的威胁和现实危害。分析其活动方式,把握其发展趋势,在此基础上将网络组党结社活动控制在有关职能部门的视线范围内,并依法打击其非法活动,对于维护社会政治稳定和国内安全具有较强的理论意义与现实意义。  相似文献   
113.
喻文德 《桂海论丛》2006,22(5):25-27
以人为本是科学发展观的价值原则。人是发展的根本目的。人的生存有三种具体的形式:个体、群体和类。从人的生存形式看以人为本,它有三种表现形态:个体本位、群体本位和人类本位。三种价值观念都有各自独特的适用场合,分别为人在不同场合的活动提供精神动力和价值支撑。  相似文献   
114.
即使是在“全球化”的当今,作为中国文化传统核心的儒学,仍有其普世性价值。  相似文献   
115.
"保护还是开发"作为中国申遗实践的热点问题,其实质是中国当代文化中产业与精英两个文化阶层借助官方观念错位而展开的话语竞争。关注遗产持有群体的文化觉醒,标志着"后申遗"时代的到来。遗产公共性是觉醒的遗产持有者,以遗产为公共性实现的符号媒介,借助遗产媒介实现公共参与与群体沟通。在当下申遗实践中,遗产公共性已在"遗产话语"、"遗产表演"、"遗产资源"与"遗产行政"四个维度发生。遗产公共性的社会建构应落脚在遗产的"文化再生产"之上。  相似文献   
116.
《中东研究》2012,48(6):897-913
Abstract

The article analyses the system of government of the Ottoman Empire during the First World War by looking at three elements: the constitutional-parliamentarian monarchy, the Committee of Union and Progress and the army. The analysis takes place along two axes: one in which the functioning of, and the power relations between, the different institutional elements are analysed, and one based on a series of case studies of important decision-making moments of the years 1914–18.

The civil-military relations as they developed during the war years are studies in a comparative framework. The Ottoman situation is analysed against the backdrop of changes in the balance of power between military and civilian authorities in other belligerent countries in Europe.

The conclusion is that the Ottoman Empire was a constitutional and parliamentarian monarchy only in name, but that its governance did not turn into a form of military rule either. It was run by the Committee of Union and Progress, but within that, key decisions were taken by changing informal coalitions of power brokers in such a way as to make sure that the two dominant factions, the civilian one led by Talât and the military one led by Enver were in agreement.  相似文献   
117.
The British Government never recognized the Soviet annexation of the Baltic States in June 1940, but almost did so early in 1942 and was ready to do so again in 1944, when it took at face value Stalin's revision of the Soviet constitution. The result was ‘trouble’ from the Baltic ambassadors in London, particularly the Latvian ambassador. The British Government changed its stance in autumn 1945 when the revisions to the Soviet constitution proved to be sham. Thereafter British policy amounted to procrastination, as the developing Cold War prevented a final post-war settlement.  相似文献   
118.
正REGARDING China’s economic and social outlook,there are two contending views in the domestic and overseas academic world.One predicts that China will get affluent before becoming an aging society,and the other holds the opposite opinion.A comprehensive and dynamic analysis is needed before reaching a conclusion.Complex Factors in Economic Growth Total Factor Productivity(TFP)is the most accepted measurement through which to judge total inputs’output productivity,that is,the ratio of total output to total inputs.TFP includes technological progress,organizational innovation,professionalism,etc.An increase of this index refl ects the progress of science and technology.High  相似文献   
119.
Abstract

This article explores the relations to Africa and African decolonisation of three key figures in Brazilian critical geographies and development studies, Manuel Correia de Andrade (1922–2007), Josué de Castro (1908–1973) and Milton Santos (1926–2001). Based on an analysis of their works and unpublished archives, I argue the radical Third World perspectives these intellectuals expressed anticipated later critiques of development as a neocolonial device. Drawing upon current literature on decolonisation, international conferencing and anti-racist solidarity networks, I discuss these matters in relation to these authors’ interest in cultural diversity and internal colonialism. Crucially, they developed this sensitivity in the Brazilian Northeast, a region especially shaped by Afro–Brazilian and Indigenous cultural legacies. While supporting anti-imperialist nationalisms in the Third World, these Brazilian scholars fostered multilingual, internationalist and cosmopolitan activism and scholarship. This is revealed by the study of the transnational networks they developed during exile and the various persecutions that many of them suffered after the 1964 military coup. Finally, I argue these works can substantiate recent claims to ‘decolonise’ geography and development studies, on the condition that these fields of study take seriously their anti-imperial traditions and their ‘voices from the South’.  相似文献   
120.
Abstract

In this paper, we make a theoretical argument that the Third World be returned to its political origins to inspire an updated Third World Project (TWP), revived as a global movement for progressive, anti-imperialist forces, through the Fourth World movement, which highlights internal colonialism. Both the TWP and the United Nations recognise only nation states as full members. We examine how a Third World strategy that brings in the Fourth World, or indigenous, minority and/or stateless groups, can help oppressed groups gain more autonomy and rights through a transnational solidarity rooted in empathy. We trace the intellectual roots and history of the TWP and consider obstacles in bringing together the TWP and the Fourth World movement. A Fourth World strategy corrects the TWP’s implicit approval of an underlying imperialism, and the TWP provides the Fourth World movement a model to accomplish its goal of resisting uncritical modernity.  相似文献   
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