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51.
Michael T. Coventry 《政策研究评论》2007,24(2):97-117
Cultural policy during the Great War, rather than radiating from the central government, evolved from contemporary culture—propaganda, movies, and mass media. The state was a player, but quasi‐public organizations such as propaganda agencies, non‐state actors like the YMCA, and “public opinion” played important roles. The Committee on Public Information (CPI)—the government's propaganda committee—influenced Americans through books, advertisements, posters, and cartoons. This essay examines two of the CPI's efforts: the Bureau of Cartoons and the Division of Pictorial Publicity. In these materials, we can see the intersection of class‐based notions of gendered idealism and a developing media state's use of a sentimental culture of the Victorian middle‐class to represent and motivate the nation. With staff drawn primarily from advertising agencies and newspapers, the Committee's work shows how the formulation of cultural policy is the result of complex negotiated processes involving state interests, cultural liaisons, and ideological assumptions. 相似文献
52.
陈剑锋 《中共山西省委党校学报》2008,31(1):3-5
党的十七大倡导生态文明建设,并把“生态文明”作为全面建设小康社会目标的新要求。生态文明是人们在改造客观世界的同时,改善和优化人与自然的关系,建设有序的生态运行机制和良好的生态环境所取得的物质、精神、制度成果的总和。它体现了人们尊重自然、利用自然、保护自然,与自然和谐相处的文明形态,是人类与自然之间建立的一种和谐、文明的生态关系。树立人与自然同存共荣的自然观,将极大地促进社会经济可持续发展。 相似文献
53.
禹实 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2002,16(2):90-92
数学学科的特点 ,决定了数学教学在素质教育中的不可替代的作用。在教学中 ,介绍数学发展史 ,能帮助学生树立正确的人生观、价值观 ;解数学题是做“思维体操” ,能使学生形成良好的思维习惯及一丝不苟的学习作风 ;在教学中教会学生观察、类比、联想、归纳、审美的方法能培养创新精神。 相似文献
54.
庾晋鹏 《中共山西省委党校学报》2006,29(5):98-100
世界银行的环境保护政策包括五个方面,即:环境评价、大坝安全、林业、自然栖息地和病虫害管理。世界银行的环境保护政策对我国的启示如下:一是树立新的发展理念;二是做好国际融资项目的环境影响评价工作;三是完善《环境影响评价法》,增强环境影响评价的独立性和权威性。 相似文献
55.
许棣泰 《四川行政学院学报》2002,(1)
世界正以“多元”的姿态昂首迈向 2 1世纪的“地球村” ,面对形势与过去迥异的时代 ,中国共产党第三代领导集体的事业心、成熟度以及领导能力是否经得起考验 ,能否紧跟时代步伐 ?这是倍受世人关注的话题。 相似文献
56.
李志峰 《北京行政学院学报》2002,4(6):60-62
马克思主义经典作家对马克思主义的精髓作出过一系列的界定,这些界定之间前后相继,一脉相承,并体现着不断发展的关系.准确地把握马克思主义的精髓,对于科学地对待马克思主义,具有重要的意义. 相似文献
57.
Taomo Zhou 《亚洲研究》2019,51(2):166-197
ABSTRACTOriginating from the 1955 Bandung Conference, the Afro-Asian Journalists’ Association (AAJA) promoted international collaboration among journalists in newly independent countries. Built on an inclusive foundation of peaceful co-existence, the AAJA contributed to the development of expansive global information networks, lively intellectual traffic, and rich visual arts among Afro-Asian nations. However, the cosmopolitanism of its early years was later undermined by the decline of constitutional democracy in Indonesia and a lack of cohesion among Afro-Asian nations. After the September Thirtieth Movement in Indonesia in 1965, the AAJA relocated to Beijing and was mobilized by the Chinese state to promote the P.R.C. as the leader of an embittered Third World’s battle against American imperialism and Soviet revisionism. In the early 1970s, ideological fervor began abating in China. During this time, Mao’s reframing of the three worlds, which was based on developmental measurements, redirected the AAJA’s Third World discourse to issues of modernization until its quiet dissolution in 1974. The history of the AAJA demonstrates the complex and often conflicted ways in which two important post-colonial states – Indonesia and China – conceptualized “the Third World” and formulated media representations during the Cold War. 相似文献
58.
Trade Measures and Climate Compliance: Institutional Interplay Between WTO and the Marrakesh Accords
Olav?Schram stokkeEmail author 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2004,4(4):339-357
This article examines the potential of trade measures to induce more climate-friendly policies, focusing on the relationship between global trade rules and the Kyoto climate regime. At the core of this interplay is the normative consistency of trade-related rules in the two regimes and any hierarchical relationship between them. The stronger clout of the WTO and its compulsory dispute settlement system suggest that issues involving competing claims would be referred to WTO bodies. Such bodies have so far been restrictive regarding the exceptions in WTO agreements to the general ban on embargoes and discrimination. The normative compatibility of the two regimes will also depend on their participatory interplay, specifically how they differentiate groups of actors as to rights and obligations. Non-members of WTO receive the least protection, and their vulnerability to climate-related trade measures is largely determined by their interdependence with states that consider employment of such measures. Among WTO members, the findings of a dispute settlement body would presumably differ depending on the status of the target under the Kyoto Protocol. A non-complier with Kyoto commitments would be more shielded than a non-party, because by joining the Kyoto regime a non-complier has exposed itself to regime-internal and less trade intrusive measures that should be exhausted first. A third dimension of interplay is linkage, or efforts to influence the regime interplay. To date there has only been moderate cross-agency coordination, but considerable attention is paid within each regime, including in the Millennium Round of trade negotiations, to the desirability of avoiding conflict between them. 相似文献
59.
庄小明 《福建公安高等专科学校学报》2003,17(1):46-48
入世后,随着我国政治、经济、文化领域的全方位开放,不可避免地会给社会稳定和社会治安带来许多新的情况、新的问题。贫困山区公安机关应适应新的形势,创新观念,努力探索构建“打、防、控”长效机制,严格规范执法行为,强化行政管理,提高民警素质,更好地为维护社会稳定、为经济发展服务。 相似文献
60.
二战中罗斯福奉行"先欧后亚" 战略之原因探析 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
黄光耀 《南京政治学院学报》2001,17(6):70-73
二战中罗斯福奉行的"先欧后亚"战略,既是美国全球战略的具体体现,又反映了国际社会主要矛盾的发展,同时中国人民的抗日战争也为该战略的实施提供了良好的条件. 相似文献