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91.
日本近代政党政治家原敬(1856—1921)的中国观具有典型的时代烙印,即"适时适机"地从中国牟取利权。同时,原敬的中国观亦有其独特的思维模式和见解:"对清政略即对欧政略,对欧政略即护国政略。"另一方面,原敬在这一时期已经将目光更多地转向日本资本主义在中国的经济利益。从重视经济利益和国际竞争的角度出发,原敬认为日本在外交上不能采取强硬的举措,要注意和中国官民"友好相处",在中国维持一种对日本而言比较和平的氛围。 相似文献
92.
朝鲜对中国的经济依存度分析 总被引:5,自引:2,他引:3
朝鲜实施的是计划经济体制,对外贸易在其经济发展中只处于拾遗补缺的地位,外贸依存度很低。但就其对外贸易本身来讲,对于中国、韩国的依存度却非常高。尤其在战略物资和外援方面严重依赖于中国。由于朝鲜对于改革开放存在很深的疑虑,估计短期内在经济改革方面不会有突破性的进展。因此在今后较长的一个时期内,无论在对外贸易方面,还是在外来援助方面,都将严重依赖于中国。 相似文献
93.
近几年,中国农村留守群体总量在下降,但庞大的留守群体基数及其背后所彰显的乡村治理价值仍具有研究意义。作为乡村传统主体的留守人口在城乡关系的治理博弈中存在资本动力、人际情感、伦理精神、主体理性和价值认同的风险,并在集体行动中得以呈现。而化解留守群体集体行动的风险在于打造全县域治理共同体、完善社会支持帮扶机制、建立村级生态治理体系、锻造基层党组织组织力、重构乡村现代文化体认。 相似文献
94.
This article argues that throughout its history, the leadership of the Labour Party has chosen to embrace a benign view of the Civil Service, as part of a wider acceptance of the constitutional status quo reflected in the Westminster model. There has nevertheless been a long tradition in the wider Labour movement that has questioned whether Whitehall is capable of working for a government with radical aspirations. This article examines Labour's historical approach towards Whitehall, before reflecting on the extent to which the present Administration, while appealing to radical and reforming rhetoric has, like its predecessors, continued to embrace the status quo. It concludes by arguing that a contemporary and credible narrative capable of challenging the Westminster model has yet to emerge from the broader movement. 相似文献
95.
Carlos Santiso 《公共行政管理与发展》2008,28(1):67-84
How effective are autonomous audit agencies (AAAs) in curbing corruption and improving fiscal governance in emerging economies? AAAs are autonomous oversight agencies tasked with scrutinising government finances. However, they are not as effective as they could or should be, partly because of the political constraints they face and the political economy context in which they are embedded. This article assesses the performance and trajectory of the Argentine AAA. It suggests that AAAs can have only a limited impact when formal fiscal institutions are undermined by informal practices and undercut by adverse political incentives. It further highlights the limits of radical reform strategies based on the import of exogenous institutional models. This research has important research and policy implications for the reform and strengthening of AAAs in developing countries. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
96.
Sebastian Eckardt 《公共行政管理与发展》2008,28(1):1-17
Why are some local governments more successful than others in managing resources and delivering services? And even more vitally, how can malfunctioning governments be reformed so that they perform their responsibilities more effectively? This article contributes to our understanding of theses overarching questions by exploring the interactions between political institutions and public sector performance in the context of decentralisation and local governance. It shows–both theoretically and empirically–that performance outcomes are determined by the extent to which people can hold their governments accountable through political institutions. The basic hypothesis underlying this research is that political accountability, either by encouraging sanctions upon non‐compliant public agents or simply by reducing the informational gap regarding government activities, will create forceful incentives for elected officials and civil servants to reduce opportunistic behaviour and improve performance. Using a cross‐sectional regression the hypothesis is empirically tested against evidence from newly empowered local governments in Indonesia. The empirical findings broadly support our hypotheses. Improved public services on the ground, both in terms of quantity and quality, require informed and well functioning decision‐making processes that allocate resources to priority areas that meet the demand of the broader community. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
97.
David Palmer 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2008,67(3):307-320
Drawing on interviews with former political leaders and senior public servants, this article maps the values that have guided asylum policy decisions over the past three decades. The findings support the view that a culture of control permeates policy decisions, but pushing deeper, that policy‐maker perceptions of asylum issues are shaped by two primary values: nation building and good governance. Values that tend to preoccupy policy critics, for example human rights, compassion, international legal obligations and national character, are by no means absent, but are subsumed within and harnessed to the desire to be a good engineer and responsible governor. The study adds to the insights required for constructive dialogue between governments and refugee advocates, and affords a comprehensive framework within which asylum policy can be understood and analysed. 相似文献
98.
论犯罪学意义上犯罪的刑事违法性 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
刘朝阳 《福建公安高等专科学校学报》2001,15(1):3-7
本文主要通过比较犯罪学和刑法学在看待犯罪的基本属性上的差别 ,推导出犯罪学特有的犯罪基本属性 ,即违反否定性的社会规范性。 相似文献
99.
吕伯温 《天津市工会管理干部学院学报》2001,9(3):9-11
全心全意依靠工人阶级是我们党的根本指导方针.为什么要坚持这一方针以及如何坚持这一指导方针,是我们在建设有中国特色的社会主义过程中必须搞清楚的问题. 相似文献
100.
改革开放时代大学生对人生的思考 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
张文杰 《北京青年政治学院学报》2001,10(4):33-38
改革开放二十多年来,如何实现人生价值是大学生一直关心的问题,他们对人生的疑问和思考随着改革的进展而发展变化。本文追踪了二十年来大学生思考焦点的转变,并探讨了这些转变得以发生的社会基础和环境。 相似文献