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71.
“十一·五”期间中国国家安全环境展望   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
"十一·五"期间(2006-2010年)是中国全面建设小康的历史关键期,中国国家安全面临四大机遇和五方面的挑战,其中挑战尤显紧迫、棘手、严峻与突出.对此要做到心中有数、有的放矢,首先要牢固树立"大安全"观,明确国家安全战略主要任务;其次应推进中美"建设性合作关系",开展大国多极外交,确保中国的战略安全;第三要分片经营、稳打稳扎,以区域经济合作、反恐防扩散等维护中国的"大周边"安全;第四应明确将反独反民分与反恐防扩散列为"十一·五"期间中国国家安全的两大主要战略任务;第五需努力确保中国的能源与经济安全,尽早防范对外开放风险;第六是保障中国海外人员与机构安全,有效维护国内社会政治稳定.总之,应标本兼治,着眼长远与根本.  相似文献   
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1993年颁布的《反不正当竞争法》,它的制定与实施为我国建立统一、公正的市场竞争秩序提供了法律依据。然而,随着市场自身的快速发展,这些具体的规定已经无法全面、有效地规范市场竞争秩序,这就要求我们要重新认识《反不正当竞争法》,制定一个一般条款。经济法最本质的内容就是国家与经济之间的关系问题,因此,国家应在大力发展商品经济的同时,充分发挥市场机制的作用,在此基础上,恰当地发挥国家职能,对经济进行必要的、合理的干预。  相似文献   
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国家治理体系的主体包括中国共产党、国家机关、社会组织和公民,行政组织是主要的主体,而中国共产党是国家治理的领导力量。国家治理体系的现代化,政府现化代是关键,法治化是保障。在治理视域下,行政组织法不再仅是政府内部的结构法,而是包括协调党政群关系、体现共同治理的治理主体法。从优化组织结构,体现党政群协调共治出发,积极回应国家治理现化化对行政组织的要求,通过行政组织立法明确行政组织的职权范围,将中央与地方的关系、部门和地方间的横向协作关系法律化,确立社会组织的行政主体地位,为党委领导、政府负责、社会协同、全民参与的治理体系提供法治保障。  相似文献   
76.
Diplomatic relations between Russia and South Africa were established in 1992, before South Africa's transition to democracy was completed. This move was perceived as a betrayal by many in both countries and beyond. For many decades the Soviet Union supported the African National Congress in its fight against the apartheid regime. South Africa's National Party government, in its turn, presented the USSR as the main force behind the ‘total onslaught’ – an all-out war purportedly waged against South Africa by international communism. Yet it was with the National Party government that the Russians established diplomatic relations. This article looks into the reasons for this change of heart in Moscow and Pretoria, discusses the political forces behind the decision to establish diplomatic relations, and analyses the process that led to this event and the results of establishing diplomatic relations the way it happened and at the time it happened for both countries.  相似文献   
77.
ABSTRACT

In the decades before World War One, a group of women fought for their right to control their own futures, claiming that their governance was in the hands of men whose interests lay in keeping women subservient. Initially articulated by an educated, middle-class few, the women's demands were embraced by widening numbers of both women and men. They saw their hopes dashed on several occasions by political manoeuvring, and only after WWI did their demands begin to be met. This is not an account of the women’s suffrage movement, but rather of the fight for the registration of trained nurses. Both movements claimed the right of women to be actors in their public lives and both faced public condemnation for transgressing social boundaries. The two movements interacted, with nurses connecting their struggle to the wider call for women's rights, and with the suffrage movement foregrounding nurses as disenfranchised women professionals.  相似文献   
78.
Abstract

Most of the literature on state transformation focuses on China’s relations with African, Asian and Latin American countries and the National Oil Companies’ overseas expansion to show that China has become fragmented, decentralised and internationalised. This article contributes novel findings by focusing on China’s relations with Europe and the actions of China’s National Nuclear Companies (NNCs). It shows that NNCs, which have become relatively autonomous actors, often pursue their agendas of expansion into Europe without much coordination with, or even in contradiction to, other ministries’ agendas and interests, especially the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Instead of being orchestrated by the central government, their expansion reflects considerable disorganisation and sometimes undermines China’s official strategy. The article demonstrates this through case studies of NNCs’ involvement in the UK and Romania.  相似文献   
79.
当前社交媒体的应用与普及掀起了恐怖主义活动的新浪潮,有着交互性、社区化特征的社交媒体在招募人员、传播极端思想及策划恐怖袭击方面有着天然优势。以"伊斯兰国"运用社交媒体进行恐怖活动为例,该文探讨了社交媒体的特性、在恐怖组织中扮演的角色以及我国公安机关在社交媒体时代下恐怖主义蔓延采取的应对策略,以期更好地应对反恐新难题。  相似文献   
80.
Prevailing narratives in the discourse on China-Africa engagement are that China is developing Africa. This paper departs from those narratives because they disregard the agency of Africa's political elite. Basing its argument on the nature of the African political elite, the paper analyses their role in determining the impact of China's economic and trade engagement on economic development in their respective countries. To do that, it first discusses the nature and identity of African political elites, and examines how they control their states and scarce resources. Having done that, the paper then analyses their role in determining the nature and extent of development emanating from their countries’ economic engagement with China. It then concludes that it is not how much foreign states invest in African countries that determines Africa's rise, but rather political elites who influence the direction of their states’ development.  相似文献   
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