If i Go There Will Be Trouble,If i Stay There Will Be Double: Revenge Porn,Domestic Violence,and Family Offenses

New York State's current lack of legislation criminalizing the threat of revenge porn allows repetitive, invasive, and embarrassing attacks on the morality and sexuality of victims. This can have a severe impact on survivors of domestic violence who are prevented from leaving dangerous situations by threats of dissemination. Victims of revenge porn and domestic violence often face isolation, threats of violence, and thoughts of suicide. This Note proposes that threats of revenge porn become family offenses under the New York Family Court Act § 812.     

从“卡翁达诉南非共和国总统案”看外交保护的另一种国家实践

外交保护的实施过程可以区分为国内决策阶段和利用国际法向侵害本国人权利的相对国采取措施的阶段。因此,在国内决策阶段中有一种不可忽视的实践,那就是认为从国内法角度来看国家负有以一切可能方式保护本国公民的义务。但是,实际上外交是国家行为,它代表国民的整体利益。因而在具体个案中可能需要从大局出发采取和缓的方式对权益受侵害的国民进行保护或放弃保护。但,必须建立有效的机制以沟通被害者和实行外交保护的公权力机构。在对公共利益和私人利益进行取舍时,可能需要考虑相应的补偿问题。以此为出发点,对将以外交保护方式保护国民作为国家宪法义务的国家实践进行研究。     

党的现代化与国家现代化:历史的契合与现实的互动

党的现代化与国家现代化密切相关,现代革命需要现代政党来领导;领导国家与社会现代化建设的政党,必须是一个现代化政党。从历史发展看,是历史选择了中国共产党,历史的试错法也证明了共产党能够救中国。中国共产党的诞生,是现代国家意识觉醒、民族独立、主权独立呼唤现代政党的产物;新中国成立,为我国现代化建设奠定了基础;社会主义革命与社会主义改造,为我国现代化建设指明了方向。改革开放以前,党建国家、党治国家,以党的建设、党的领导推动国家现代化建设,是我国政党建设与国家建设的突出特点。改革开放以后,党的建设与国家建设呈现出良性互动关系。当前乃至将来一段时间,党的建设要适应社会主义现代化建设的要求,从而进一步实现党的现代化。     

人权的普遍性根据与实现人权的文化前提

人的自由的绝对性使人拥有绝对的人权,维护与实践人权作为一种自觉的要求,要以对人的自由本质与绝对权利的自觉为前提,也就是要以启蒙文化为前提,而启蒙文化需要由文化启蒙来造就.这意味着,既不可能以武力推行人权,也不可能以任何文化传统的特殊性为借口拒绝人权.人权的绝对性与民族主义国家理论并无学理上的关联,一个主权实体内部的人权...     

论当代的神权政治——伊斯兰原教旨主义

欧洲中世纪确立了以基督教为主体的神权政治思想,伴随着西欧封建社会的瓦解,神权政治体系随之解体。伊斯兰教在自身发展史上也曾确立了神权政治思想,随着20世纪70年代以来伊斯兰原教旨主义运动在世界各地的勃然兴起,神权政治再次引起广泛关注。伊斯兰原教旨主义的兴起应得益于其本身所独有的复古机制,伊斯兰教本身所持有的教条使其产生带有某种必然性,同时,宗教政治化、政治宗教化的传统为伊斯兰原教旨主义提供了政治合法性的根基。     

“满铁”对华经济掠夺问题新探

南满洲铁道株式会社对中国的经济掠夺,是以股份公司的形式作为伪装,执行日本帝国主义侵略掠夺中国的对外政策。＂满铁＂依靠特权建立起一个超乎中国主权和法律之上的＂满铁王国＂,构成了日本国家资本为主导,日本产业托拉斯和中小私人资本为辅助的经济体系。＂满铁＂通过这套经济体系,利用显性和隐性两种方式对我国进行经济掠夺、政治扩张、文化渗透,对中国的经济结构和民族工业造成了异常严重的破坏。     

“关东州”的殖民文化研究——以日语教育为中心

"关东州"的日语教育始于日俄战争期间,随着租借期限的延长,其殖民教育政策及措施在不断地发展。到"九.一八"事变之前,其奴化教育体系已然成型,同时,为了长期维护日本的殖民统治,推进普及日语教育策略,还建立了奖励学习外语的"语学检定"制度。在《关东州人教育令》颁布后,奴化教育达到了顶峰,以实现对大连地区乃至整个东北进行文化侵略和殖民奴化教育的目的。     

Digital justice

In a period of growing suspicion about the power of digital technology and ‘tech companies’, this short comment aspires to argue that the conditions for the functioning of the constitutional state contain an inherent obligation for the state not only to be sufficiently sensitive to the changes brought about by digitisation, but also to make use of digitisation. A key condition for the functioning of the constitutional state is e.g. that the judiciary is capable of fully implementing its task of affording legal protection. Reinterpreting this condition in the modern age implies that courts should remain explicitly vigilant when it comes to digitisation. Hence, affording protection is not only a question of what makes formal regulation in a digital world different from regulation in the well-known offline world. If the constitutional state is to be ‘capable’ of implementing its task of affording legal protection, it must also be sufficiently sensitive to the changes brought about by digitisation, as well as deploy the potential that digitisation offers.     

IRAN’S STRUGGLE FOR STRATEGIC DOMINANCE IN A POST-ISIS IRAQ

Iran's influence and presence in Iraq have increased significantly in recent years. The collapse of the Saddam's dictatorship in 2003, after the US invasion, served to inflate Iran's influence in Iraq, particularly in the post-ISIS era. In this connection, Iran has used various means and tools to develop its strategy in Iraq. This article argues that Iran's current strategy in Iraq stems from a Realpolitik agenda rather than an ideological one, concerned more with political, economic, and security interests than pursuing revolutionary objectives per se. To this end, Tehran has largely relied on long-established relationships with several pro-Iranian political parties and militia groups. These relationships are often couched in religious ideological terms as a foundation and justification for its future strategy in post-ISIS Iraq. The questions that this paper will address are the following: what was Iran's role in defeating ISIS in Iraq? How has Tehran benefitted from its long-term relationships with Iraqi political parties and militia groups? What are the Iranian sources of power in Iraq and how do they help Iran gain strategic dominance in Iraq?     

Seeing War as Criminal: Peace Activist Views and Critical Criminology

A hallmark of critical criminology is its critique of the traditional definition of crime. For decades, critical scholars have proposed humanistic definitions of crime that bring state violence into the purview of academic criminology—although outside of critical criminology this is a matter of great contentiousness. This study investigates the views of those involved in peace activism, but not in any way associated with academic criminology, about the application of the term ‘crime’ to war, specifically the recent US war on Iraq. Given that there is no existing research on this subject, the article also examines how peace activists define crime generally and whether they believe those responsible for the war should be regarded as war criminals. Not surprisingly, semi‐structured interviews with 13 anti‐war activists reveal significant support for elements of critical criminological definitions of crime but an unexpected concern on the part of some that the application of the term ‘crime’ to war could be counterproductive in efforts to stop state violence. The rationales for this concern, as well as those for other issues addressed in the study, are largely presented in the interviewees’ own words.