论周恩来"过五关"的党建思想

周恩来同志提出党的领导干部要过"五关",即思想关、政治关、社会关、亲属关、生活关,并以此作为加强党员党性修养的最基本要求,前两关属于思想、政治层面,以前虽经常强调,但在"五关"中又有其特定的涵义;后三关是在思想关和政治关的影响下,体现在工作和生活中具体的作风层面上.今天,我们重新认识"五关"论,对于共产党员尤其是党员领导干部加强自身党性修养,对于执政党加强自身建设,不断完善和提高执政水平具有十分重要的现实意义.     

论周平王所奔西申之地望

在周“二王并立”这一政治格局形成之际,有两个申国存在：一为西申,即申侯之国,地在今陕西省眉县东北;一为南申,即申伯之国,地在今河南省唐河县以南。《国语》谓周幽王太子宜臼被废之后所奔之“申”,即《竹书纪年》之“西申”。由于西申侯具有长期经营宗周西陲的政治基础,具有与周王室世为婚姻的政治地位,具有强大的经济与军事实力,故宜臼被废之后奔“西申”以求西申侯之助。     

《诗经》所载西周春秋法制及其对后世的影响

从《诗经》反映的西周春秋时期法律发展情况看，周人已有一定的法律意识，当时作为法律称谓的语词后世大多演化为对成文法各种形式的称谓；由三代的天命、天罚观念发展而来的君权神圣观念，明德慎罚、礼乐政刑综合为用及注重社会和谐的思想也在此时初步形成；其时的礼乐、刑法、司法、婚姻、祭祀、土地等各项制度也都对后世有重大影响。     

浅议《周易》的大忧患意识及其影响

《周易》作为我国古代的经典力作,其思想内容博大精深。其中又以大忧患意识尤为突出。这种大忧患意识在我国历史上影响深远,成为历代开明执政者的治国要则。在新的历史条件下,以这种大忧患意识为镜,居安思危,励精图治,对于治国安邦,有着重要的现实意义。     

小议商周以来楚与中原的文化交流

商周以来,特别是春秋战国时期,楚国与中原交往愈加频繁,在碰撞与融合中,楚国文化既保持了自己的特征,又显示了其与中原文化的亲缘关系。     

革命析说

中国历史肇起于政治化的动机和需求,然其救济、平衡之法却在伦理之中。唐虞时代的“禅让”制尝标为政治伦理化之帜,不幸却被夏启的“家天下”中断。如何使“家天下”重归伦理化的良途,实为“三代”强烈的历史情结。《周易》以“革命”为枢,力陈政治伦理的新标准,重张历史、文化、社会、国家、政治伦理化的大旗,以新且体系化意识形态的建构,为“家天下”的伦理化提供了学理解说。故知,中国历史、文化、政治的伦理化,以及所谓“替天行道”、“造反有理”、“革命无罪”、“革故鼎新”、“推陈出新”诸说,当为《周易》之特出。     

周妙中的版权观

周妙中在"文革"末给邓小平写信,提出了一些有关版权的保护建议:要给予著作者以创作权,著作者以署名权,著作者以获得报酬权,作品以发表和修改权。     

元明清时贵州地区的外来移民

本文对元明清不同时期中贵州地区外来移民的方式、来源及民族构成等进行了系统的考察研究,并对其在贵州历史上所产生的作用和影响作出了分析评价。     

THE DILEMMAS OF A CIVILIAN POLITICIAN IN TIME OF WAR: ZHOU FOHAI AND THE FIRST STAGE OF THE SINO-JAPANESE WAR,JULY–DECEMBER 1937

Abstract

History’s verdict on Zhou Fohai is that he was an arch-collaborator, the éminence grise of Wang Jingwei’s government. Yet Zhou’s political career in the 1930s as a member of Chiang Kai-shek’s factional network did not suggest his later activities as a highly placed collaborator. Prior to 1938, Zhou had little or no political connections to Wang Jingwei; indeed, prior to the outbreak of war he regarded Wang and his followers as bitter factional enemies. Zhou’s background, therefore, underscores the complexity and indeed contingency of collaboration in the Sino-Japanese War. This article examines three areas of Zhou’s activities in the Guomindang Party-State during the first six months of the Sino-Japanese War: his role as a Chiang Kai-shek loyalist helping to craft key policies; his involvement with developing the United Front after the Lushan Conference; and his part in efforts to seek a negotiated peace with the aim of preserving as much of China’s sovereignty as possible. The article argues that these peace efforts were not in themselves a harbinger of collaboration, but were in fact conducted within the framework of the Party-State and involved a variety of leading figures. Despite Zhou’s liaison with the communist representatives, he remained staunchly anti-communist and suspicious of their ultimate ambitions, a suspicion that only deepened with the Guomindang’s every military reverse. And in his efforts to effect peace negotiations, he faced insurmountable obstacles in Chiang’s decision to pursue the military option, in the failure of international mediation by the leading Western powers, and in Japan’s ratcheting up its demands as its army went from victory to victory. By early 1938, therefore, Zhou was profoundly pessimistic about China’s prospects in its war with Japan.     

唤醒沉睡的马中关系（1970—1974年）：马中建交前马来西亚华人在社会与文化互动中的角色

本文借助多种资料与文献,分析了1970年到1974年间以李引桐和曾永森为代表的几位马来西亚华人以及一些马来西亚华人团体和个人的活动,试图探讨马来西亚华人怎样通过社会文化互动来促成马中建交。因此可见民间渠道或跨国社会文化互动与官方渠道是相辅相成的。社会和文化互动不仅唤醒了沉睡已久的马中关系,最后还迎来了两国政府和人民的双赢局面。