匈牙利红增强显现血潜鞋印的研究

目的建立一种增强显现血潜鞋印的新方法——匈牙利红显色法。方法根据匈牙利红增强显现血潜鞋印原理,采用固定、染色、冲洗、提取进行显现。结果匈牙利红对非渗透性客体上的血潜印痕增强显现效果明显,但对白纸、织物等非渗透性客体上的潜血印痕没有明显效果。结论可作为一种补充方法用于潜血印痕的提取。     

长征前后的周恩来与毛泽东历史地位的确立

周恩来在王明“左倾”错误统治中央时期,在毛泽东已被排挤出中央苏区党和红军领导岗位的情况下,顶住压力,主动争取毛泽东参与红军作战指挥;坚持毛泽东的军事路线,为确立毛泽东在党和红军中的主导地位做出了特殊贡献。红一、四方面军会师后,周恩来坚持北上抗日战略方针,协助毛泽东粉碎张国焘的分裂图谋,维护了党中央和红军的团结统一。在处理西安事变前后,周恩来提出“停止内战,一致抗日”的主张,贯彻毛泽东建立抗日民族统一战线的主张,为推动第二次国共合作做出了巨大贡献。     

Kim Jong-il's military-first politics and beyond: Military control mechanisms and the problem of power succession

Military-first politics has been at the heart of the unexpected regime stability in North Korea under Kim Jong-il and his son Jong-un. This article analyzes Kim Jong-il’s military-first politics as a strategic choice for regime survival, in which the locus of political power switched from the party to the military. At the same time, Kim Jong-il formulated a complex system of circumventing the possibility of the armed forces' political domination, including personalistic control using sticks and carrots, fortifying security and surveillance institutions, and compartmentalizing the security institutions for intra- and inter-organizational checks and balances to prevent the emergence of organized opposition to the regime. Although an effective short-term solution, military-first politics could never be a long-term strategy for building gangseongdaeguk (a powerful and prosperous nation). The current Kim Jong-un regime needs to conduct sweeping reforms to address dire economic difficulties, which might result in a departure from his father's legacy and downgrade the military's power. In this process, the current regime's (in)stability will depend on how it maintains a balance between revoking military-first politics and preserving the armed forces' allegiance.     

“The Movement Moves Against you”: Coercive Spoiler Management in the Northern Ireland Peace Process

More than a decade on, the Northern Ireland peace process can largely be considered a success. Despite the failure of the Provisional Republican Movement to achieve a united Ireland free of British control, the large-scale violence of “The Troubles” has been relegated to the past. Applying the logic of coercive diplomacy, this study examines the role of threats and the use of selective and limited violence by the Provisional Movement to manage real and potential opponents and challengers that have emerged within its own ideological ranks to maintain its position of dominance and prevent a spoiling of the peace process. This study shows that the Provisional Movement retained the capability to employ violence and demonstrated the credibility of coercive threat through a willingness to use force against its opponents on the Republican spectrum, and was able to do so with a high degree of impunity.     

(庶虫)虫对慢性血瘀型大鼠血液流变性和红细胞免疫功能的影响

摘要:目的:观察虫对慢性血瘀型大鼠血液流变性和红细胞免疫功能的影响。方法:模拟阴虚火旺复制慢性血瘀大鼠模型,用毛细血管法测定不同切速下的全血比粘度、血浆比粘度,常规法测定红细胞压积。参照郭氏法测定红细胞免疫粘附功能指标,并将其与血液流变性有关指标作一相关分析。结果:虫能明显降低瘀血大鼠的全血比粘度、血浆比粘度和红细胞压积;提高瘀血大鼠红细胞C3b受体花环率,使红细胞免疫复合物花环率下降,血清红细胞免疫粘附促进因子活性增强,而抑制因子减弱;血液粘度与红细胞C3b受体花环率的相关分析呈显著负相关。结论:虫不仅有活血化瘀作用,还具有促进红细胞免疫功能的功效。     

新泉整训与红军早期的党和军队建设

新泉整训正值毛泽东上井冈山开辟党领导的第一个革命根据地两年之际.这两年既可视为红军初创时期,也是党的幼年时期.以毛泽东为代表的中国共产党人在探索中国革命道路的同时,也开始了对红军的党的建设和军队建设的探索.从井冈山斗争到新泉整训,再到古田会议,探索在总体上是顺利的,最后在不同意见争论基础上和党中央的引导下形成共识,红四军党的建设和军队建设走上了马克思主义轨道.新泉整训为伟大的古田会议的成功召开,使之成为党和人民军队建设历史上的重要里程碑起了奠基作用,功不可没.     

公共应急体系下中国红十字会组织力建设研究

在国家公共应急管理体系中,中国红十字会的地位和作用比较突出,它既是国际红十字运动的成员国组织,又是中国党和政府在人道服务领域中的独特助手。作为一个复杂组织系统,从其权力垂直分层看,中国红十字会在中国政治体制中的垂直定位具有法定性、历史性和继承性,这不仅体现在国际红十字与红新月运动和各国红十字会之间的历史关系定位,还体现在中国红十字会同党和政府之间的责任纽带关系。因此,中国政治体制性质规定了中国特色红十字会的政治组织力。但是,在复杂系统中的组织应急张力,即组织联盟力、执行力和社会动员力等扁平向度的技术管理能力却因机制问题降低了它应对应急事件的执行能力。为此,应着力增强组织自我革新力,创新社会力量参与应急管理联动机制,拓展公共应急联盟共享空间,满足复杂系统对应急组织能力建设的需要。     

政治身份认同与缅甸果敢同盟军的瓦解

生存达二十年之久的缅甸非政府武装组织果敢同盟军于2009年8月被缅甸中央政府解除武装而宣告瓦解。本文通过对果敢同盟军、佤邦联合军和掸邦东同盟军这三个背景相似的缅甸非政府武装组织的比较研究,提出导致果敢同盟军瓦解的内部深层次的支撑性原因是该组织政治身份认同的缺失的观点。通过这一案例,本文试图提出政治身份认同是非政府武装组织在主权国家内生存的必要条件这一一般性假说。     

Two perspectives on Zimbabwe's National Democratic Revolution: Thabo Mbeki and Wilfred Mhanda

The concept of the ‘National Democratic Revolution’ (NDR) is often used by left-leaning scholars and political actors in attempts to explain or justify the lack of socialism in third-world societies governed by rulers who consider themselves ‘scientific socialists’. It has been invoked in analyses of Zimbabwe by both the former president of South Africa, Thabo Mbeki, in 2001 as he was embarking on his ‘quiet diplomacy’, and Wilfred Mhanda, a Zimbabwean guerrilla leader imprisoned by the Mozambican government in the late-1970s for posing problems to the leadership aspirations of Robert Mugabe, who later became president of the country posing problems for Thabo Mbeki among others. Analysis of both these political intellectuals’ writing sheds light on the concept of the NDR (evoked often in contemporary South African politics and Zimbabwean discourse about the current crisis) as well as the theoretical and practical aspects of the authors’ careers.     

Retelling the past,inspiring the future: Waffen-SS commemorations and the creation of a ‘European’ far-right counter-narrative

ABSTRACT

Heinrich Himmler created the Waffen-SS in part as a multinational force, willing to fight for a New Europe based on Germanic blood. After the war, many international Waffen-SS units formed veterans' associations (VAs). Like other VAs, these provided veterans with the chance to engage in ‘memory work’ and to keep alive a sense of comradeship and of valiant sacrifice, as well as an emotional commitment to the fallen. Waffen-SS veterans were, however, alone in celebrating their ‘sacrifices’. Others shunned them for their participation in atrocities. To defend themselves, they developed a counter-hegemonic Second World War narrative that presented the Waffen-SS as uniquely heroic ‘European’ volunteers' against Bolshevism. This counter-narrative, however, only gained resonance with the fall of the Berlin Wall. After 1989, in fact, veterans could seek out and establish sites of public commemoration, not in Western but in Eastern Europe. Hurd and Werther use veterans' journals and books to explore the redeployment of SS ideology in a revisionist version of history. They examine the resurrection of a mass Waffen-SS graveyard in East Ukraine as a telling case history, discussing, not least, the implications of a ‘reconciliation’ of the former German soldiers with both Ukrainian villagers and Red Army veterans. Finally, they explore the significance of the veterans' ‘European’ counter-history for a younger generation of neo-Nazis.