红色教授轶事(上)

上世纪二三十年代,国民党桂系出于建设广西巩固其统治地位的需要,先后创办了广西大学、广西师范专科学校,从上海、广州,南京等地聘请了一批国内知名的进步学者、教授,使教师队伍有了很大的充实和提高。他们到校以后,利用各种机会给广大青年学生灌输爱国精神和革命思想,在校园里播撒了革命种子,因而被人们称为“红色教授”。     

红色教授轶事(下)

1932年9月,年仅32岁的杨东莼被聘任广西师专校长,他先后延聘一批思想进步的知名学者、作家和教授任教,大胆改革师专面貌一新。后遭桂系驱逐。陈此生出任师专教务主任后,不仅传播革命思想,而且推动话剧运动的开展,引起公众格外关注。1936年秋,广西师专并入广西大学。省主席黄旭初兼任西大校长.1937年底,白鹏飞回到桂林,省主席黄旭初恳请白鹏飞出任西大校长.后黄旭初出尔反尔,背信弃义,借将西大改固立大荦为名,免去白的校长职务.     

试论先进文化建设中的军队报纸

传播新闻信息是新闻传媒最基本的功能。军队报纸不仅承载着新闻信息传递的功能,更肩负着传承我军优秀文化传统和建设军队先进文化的重要职责。在军队先进文化建设中,军队报纸可以在提高官兵思想政治素质、个人科学文化修养等方面大有作为,为我军的建设发展提供精神动力和智力支持。     

Bosnia on the Border? Republican Violence in Northern Ireland During the 1920s and 1970s

Unionist politicians have argued that Republican political violence on the Irish border, during both the partition of Ireland and more recent Northern Ireland conflict, constituted ethnic cleansing and genocide against the Protestant/Unionist community in those areas. These views have been bolstered by an increasingly ambivalent scholarly literature that has failed to adequately question the accuracy of these claims. This article interrogates the ethnic cleansing/genocide narrative by analysing Republican violence during the 1920s and the 1970s. Drawing from a wide range of theoretical literature and archival sources, it demonstrates that Republican violence fell far short of either ethnic cleansing or genocide, (in part) as a result of the perpetrators’ self-imposed ideological constraints. It also defines a new interpretive concept for the study of violence: functional sectarianism. This concept is designed to move scholarly discussion of political and sectarian violence beyond the highly politicised and moral cul-de-sacs that have heretofore characterised the debate, and has implications for our understanding of political violence beyond Ireland.     

Spouse Abuse and Child Abuse by Army Soldiers

This study analyzed data collected by the U.S. Army’s Family Advocacy Program, the group primarily responsible for family violence prevention, identification, evaluation, treatment, and follow-up on Army installations. Patterns of spouse abuse and child abuse perpetrated within a five year period (2000–2004) were examined in a sample of 10,864 Army Soldiers who were substantiated for family violence offenses. Three groups of family violence offenders were compared: (1) those who perpetrated spouse offenses only; (2) those who perpetrated child offenses only; and (3) those who perpetrated both spouse and child offenses. Results showed that the majority of substantiated family violence offenders were spouse offenders who had not committed child abuse (61%), followed by child offenders who had not committed spouse abuse (27%), and finally those who committed both spouse and child offenses (12%). The three groups of family violence offenders differed in terms of the types of abuse they perpetrated (neglect of children, emotional abuse, physical abuse, and sexual abuse), their experiences of being a spouse abuse victim, and sociodemographic characteristics. Twelve percent of all spouse abusers committed multiple spouse abuse incidents, and 10% of all child abusers committed multiple child abuse incidents.     

油红O显现手印配方中各物质的作用验证

目的研究油红O显现手印配方中各物质的作用及其对显现效果的影响。方法对配方中的主要成分进行定性、定量实验来分析、考察实验结果。结果油红O粉末的颜色与显出的手印纹线颜色关系较大,溶液中的氢氧化钠关系着显出的手印纹线与背景的反差。结论 Alexandre Beaudoin公布的配方稳定、显现效果好,值得在实践工作中推广。     

红军长征中思想政治建设的历史经验述论

长征中党的思想政治建设的历史经验是：高度统一全党思想始终是思想政治建设的首要任务,是确保党的路线贯彻落实的根本保证;统一全党思想认识的过程也是党的理论升华的过程,必须始终坚持对“左”和右的错误斗争,始终注重总结历史经验;统一全党认识的基本着力点是理想信念教育,必须始终坚持把党性教育放在首位,始终把理想信念和具体实践相结合;民族团结是党的建设的重要内容,必须始终坚持党的民族政策,始终把对民族的思想政治建设建立在发展新型民族关系的基础上。     

The revival and decline of rank and file movements in Britain during the 1930s

The economic and political crisis of 1931 provoked the reappearance of rank and file movements in Britain. This article examines the unofficial organisations that developed in building, engineering, passenger transport and the railways – as well as more ephemeral bodies. It critically synthesises the existing historiography and replenishes it with new material from the Russian archives. The progress of rank and filism to 1939 is surveyed and the largely forgotten project of a new Communist-led rank and file organisation, a Trade Union Militant League, which would supersede the National Minority Movement, is recuperated. The article stresses the role of Comintern policy in harnessing and moulding grass-roots rebellion. It validates that strand in the literature which argues that Moscow’s subsequent turn to the popular front and aspirations to alliances with labour movement leaders predominated over, and legitimated, indigenous influences, enhanced existing adaptation to trade unionism, and encouraged subordination of oppositional movements to activity in official structures. By 1939, the Communists had abandoned the idea of a national rank and file movement they had pursued since 1923. Little survived of the revolutionary enterprise launched in 1931. Rank and filism endured only as a handful of sectional, party-sponsored, trade union ginger groups.     

泰国民主的前景:军权、法制、金钱与政党

2007年8月19日,泰国新宪法草案顺利通过全民公投,这是继泰国军方去年发动政变以来泰国民主进程重要的一步.宪法草案通过后,泰国政治局势逐步明朗,大选也将于年底举行.但是,回顾近一年来泰国民主政治的种种怪现象,泰国民主未来的发展走向不容乐观.