Ideological congruence over government mandates under majoritarian and proportional representation electoral systems

The existing literature on ideological congruence has typically looked at congruence immediately after elections when governments are formed. This article goes beyond that comparative static approach by examining changes in citizen-government ideological congruence between two fixed points in time, namely at the beginning and end of government mandates. Building on a veto player approach and dynamics of party competition under majoritarian and proportional representation (PR) electoral systems, the results indicate, first, that government positions are more stable in between elections, as the number of parties and their ideological distance increase in cabinet. Second, it appears that single-party and homogeneous coalition governments decrease ideological congruence between elections under low levels of polarisation, while they increase congruence under very high levels of polarisation. Third, it was found that governments under majoritarian systems slightly decrease congruence between elections while congruence stays stable on average under PR systems. The different levels of party system polarisation across majoritarian and PR electoral systems mostly explain this difference.     

Normative political theory,democratic politics and minority rights

In Equal Recognition, Alan Patten argues that in a proper relationship between normative political theory and democratic politics, we must make a clear distinction between two questions related to cultural rights: (a) authority (who should decide?) and (b) the substance of deliberation. The question he wants to explore, however, is not the authority question but the substantive question. The aim of this article is to show that an account of equal recognition cannot bracket out the democratic element. It argues, first, that Equal Recognition does not live up to its initial promise, as it contains a number of reflections and recommendations (on language rights, on secession, on the rights of migrants’ cultures) that either explicitly or implicitly include the democratic element. Second, it points at other important areas of political decision-making – such as electoral system design, districting, referendums, quotas – in which it is quite clear that in order to extend equal recognition to minority cultures, we are obliged to take decisions related to the design of democratic institutions.     

Norwegian parliamentary elections, 1906–2013: representation and turnout across four electoral systems

Since gaining full independence in 1905, Norway has experienced more than a century of democratic elections, and has reformed its electoral system three times, most notably with the switch from a two-round runoff system to proportional representation in 1919. This research note introduces a new dataset featuring all candidates running for parliamentary (Storting) elections from 1906 to 2013, and documents the patterns over time and across electoral systems in the development of the party system; candidates’ gender, age, occupation, and geographic ties; and voter turnout. Scholars interested in using the dataset can gain access to it through the Norwegian Centre for Research Data.     

中国—东盟会计区域协调机制研究——基于会计协调组织的视角

2010年1月1日,中国—东盟自由贸易区如期建成,这标志着这个拥有19亿人口、接近6万亿美元国民生产总值、4.5万亿美元贸易额的区域将有90%的产品享受零关税待遇。随着双边经贸合作的不断发展,中国与东盟的区域会计协调就显得越发重要。本文分析了东盟会计师联合会在中国—东盟会计协调中未发挥实质性作用的原因,并针对这些原因提出相应的建议与对策。     

Behavioral consequences of mixed electoral systems: Deviating voting behavior of district and list MPs in the German Bundestag

Electoral rules should affect parliamentary behavior. In particular, deputies elected from single-member districts should be more likely to deviate from the party line than deputies elected under proportional representation. This paper suggests a framework for conceptualizing and modeling the effect of the type of mandate on deputies’ propensity to cast deviating votes in mixed electoral systems. The proposed modeling strategy uses disaggregated voting data and integrates dependencies among observations in a multi-level design. Empirically, the paper analyses voting behavior in the 16th German Bundestag (2005–2009) and shows that the odds of district MPs to deviate are significantly higher despite frequent claims that the two types of MPs behave alike. However, the behavioral differences cannot be attributed to attempts by district MPs to follow their local constituents as competing principals.     

两大法系惩戒性军事法概要

莫里斯与古斯塔夫斯的《战争法典》对两大法系惩戒性军事法的形成起到了奠基作用。在两大法系主要国家,惩戒性军事法以军事司法权的运作为核心,主要围绕军事司法管辖权及军事司法程序构建军事司法制度。20世纪50年代以来,受《欧洲人权公约》及《联合国公民权利和政治权利公约》的影响,两大法系惩戒性军事法的发展又呈现出了一些新的特点。     

司法会计检查方法在办理商业贿赂案件中的运用

商业贿赂案件资金具有来源渠道复杂,名目繁多,有别于小金库等特征。司法会计检查是办理商业贿赂案件时收集财务会计资料证据的重要手段。常用的司法会计检查方法有:审阅法、核对法、计算分析法、询证法、疑点检查法。     

经理制度比较综议——以大陆法系为主要考察视角

在大陆法系,经理人既可作为营业主委任经营之人,也可根据法律或章程规定,作为企业法人之机关（包括代表机关）。经理权的本质是商事代理权,有关学说将经理权分解成对内管理与对外代理两种权能并不科学。大陆法系经理权依委任并公示取得,未经委任但具有经理外观者可赋予其表见经理地位。经理权的消灭也有特殊的要求。经理权可单独行使,也可共同行使,共同经理权并非对经理权范围的限制。经理人的主要义务是竞业禁止和忠实义务,违反竞业禁止的后果是公司或营业主享有归入权或介入权。根据法人理论的不同,经理和法人机关或存在交集或完全不同。大陆法系的商业辅助包括经理人,无论冠以何种称谓,其核心权限均为商事代理权,其区别仅在于根据各自与商人的关系或所处职位不同而享有不同权限。代理商属广义之商业辅助人,是企业或商人的外部代理人。     

中国区际法律冲突解决路径探析（上）

“一国两制”所实现的是一种特殊形式的国家统一，这为我国区际法律冲突的产生奠定了坚实的政治和宪法基础。“特殊形式的国家统一”从根本上决定了我国区际法律冲突不是一般意义上的区际法律冲突，也决定了我国区际法律冲突的科学解决必然具有自己的鲜明特色。     

政治体制改革与党内民主

把发展党内民主作为政治体制改革突破口是一个较合理的选择.因为它具有实质性和联动性原则,具有难度和风险较小原则,具有相对独立性原则,有利于带动政治体制改革的顺利进行.