全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1089篇 |
免费 | 46篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 29篇 |
工人农民 | 29篇 |
世界政治 | 19篇 |
外交国际关系 | 40篇 |
法律 | 229篇 |
中国共产党 | 86篇 |
中国政治 | 203篇 |
政治理论 | 173篇 |
综合类 | 327篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 1篇 |
2023年 | 5篇 |
2022年 | 4篇 |
2021年 | 7篇 |
2020年 | 28篇 |
2019年 | 32篇 |
2018年 | 23篇 |
2017年 | 14篇 |
2016年 | 19篇 |
2015年 | 20篇 |
2014年 | 60篇 |
2013年 | 85篇 |
2012年 | 57篇 |
2011年 | 70篇 |
2010年 | 61篇 |
2009年 | 69篇 |
2008年 | 79篇 |
2007年 | 72篇 |
2006年 | 84篇 |
2005年 | 69篇 |
2004年 | 79篇 |
2003年 | 68篇 |
2002年 | 60篇 |
2001年 | 43篇 |
2000年 | 20篇 |
1999年 | 3篇 |
1997年 | 1篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1991年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有1135条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
101.
Polycentric Systems and Multiscale Climate Change Mitigation and Adaptation in the Built Environment
Addressing climate change requires consideration of mitigation and adaptation opportunities at multiple spatial scales. This is particularly true in the built environment, defined here to include individual buildings, neighborhoods, and the spaces between. The current U.S. political environment portends fewer resources and coordinating services for mitigation and adaptation at the federal level, however, reinforcing the relevance and necessity of actions at subnational levels. In this study, we evaluate the applicability of a polycentric model of governance to the implementation of mitigation and adaptation practices, as well as the presence of polycentric systems in the built environment. We assemble a database of practices with the potential to achieve both mitigation and adaptation objectives, as well as those that may be cross‐purposed or that may achieve one but not the other. We review practices to gauge the applicability of a polycentric model of governance to mitigation and adaptation practices in the built environment, and examine the attributes of three existing adaptation and/or mitigation programs to assess the extent to which they exhibit polycentric attributes. We conclude with recommendations for a broader research agenda, including efforts to develop more in‐depth examinations into individual programs and comparative analysis of performances of different governance attributes. 相似文献
102.
Studies show that women and girls consistently demonstrate higher levels of concern for the environment than men and boys. Separately, research also indicates that women officeholders pay particular attention to the issues prioritized by their female constituents. Interestingly, despite the consistency of the gender gap in attitudes to environmental issues the literature has paid scant attention to the role of women officeholders in the adoption of environmental policy. The goal of this paper was to start to address that lacuna. Using pooled cross‐sectional time series analyses of environmental standards in 18 Western parliamentary democracies (1990–2012), our initial findings indicate women officeholders are associated with the adoption of higher environmental standards. 相似文献
103.
The reform of the EU Emissions Trading System (ETS) adopted in November 2017 was surprisingly strong, given the previous opposition from central member‐states like Poland and key stakeholders like the energy‐intensive industries. The carbon price has also increased substantially since then. To explain why such major reform was possible, we present several findings with wider relevance. Importantly, all the actors pushing for a more ambitious reform benefitted from having a central, “second‐best” mechanism in place—the Market Stability Reserve (MSR)—which could be further tightened. By focusing cancelation on allowances in the MSR and taking place only after 2023, policy entrepreneurs managed to make the distribution of costs obscure and diffuse, whereas the benefits (a probable higher carbon price and related greater auctioning revenues for member‐states) were more specific and closer in time. That is what we call “smokescreen politics.” 相似文献
104.
Among the more recognizable programs related to natural and sustainable food is the United States Department of Agriculture’s National Organic Program. Although the robustness of the organic food market is difficult to contest, many debate the extent to which U.S. organic policy outcomes adequately serve consumers and the organic agriculture producers they rely on. This paper engages the debate from the perspective of certified organic producers. Drawing on the results of a nationwide survey of USDA‐certified producers, we first provide a snapshot of how producers assess the environmental, consumer, and market impacts of U.S. organic food policy. We then examine the extent to which organic producers’ policy impact perceptions are associated with their alignment with an “organic ethos”—understood as producers’ commitment to core organic principles and the organic movement. The paper highlights producers’ values as perceptual filters and cognitive mechanisms that help shape producers’ policy impacts perceptions, illustrating a contributing factor to the enduring nature of organic policy debates. 相似文献
105.
Jennifer A. Kagan 《政策研究评论》2019,36(2):217-241
Renewable portfolio standards (RPS) are an important policy tool for reducing carbon emissions and advancing the global shift toward renewable energy. As the U.S. federal government backs away from commitments to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, subnational governments play an increasingly important role in mitigating climate change. In June 2015, Hawaii became the first state in the United States to adopt a 100% RPS. Through understanding the conditions that gave rise to Hawaii’s RPS, policy actors will be better informed as they navigate policy processes in other states and jurisdictions. This study uses Kingdon’s Multiple Streams Framework (MSF) to explore the policy process that led to Hawaii’s 100% RPS. Data were collected during the summer of 2016 via interviews with 25 key policy actors and informants in Hawaii. Expectations based on the MSF are confirmed, and the results suggest factors that might be included or explored in future studies of RPS adoption. 相似文献
106.
Leeann Sullivan 《政策研究评论》2019,36(2):242-261
Governance scholars have long championed the adaptive utility of decentralized management institutions, in part due to their ability to bring diverse stakeholders into decision‐making processes. However, research into the link between decentralization and participation often looks at policy design but bypasses important system feedbacks that shape sustained participation over time. To paint a more robust picture detailing how decentralization and participation are related, this paper uses a complex systems framework to explore interacting structural, operational, and cultural components of decentralized wildlife governance institutions in the United States and Botswana. Through this comparative analysis, I argue that the landscape of public participation in decentralized governance institutions appears to be significantly impacted by three factors: 1) how decentralization processes occurred, 2) where in the process of decision making participation is situated, and 3) perceptions of power distribution between groups with competing interests. 相似文献
107.
Over the past decade, directional drilling and hydraulic fracturing enabled an unconventional oil and gas extraction (UOGE) boom in many regions of the United States, including parts of Pennsylvania. This revolution has created serious concerns about the capability of existing institutions to govern important societal outcomes associated with UOGE. We present a conceptual framework for assessing key societal outcomes influenced by UOGE governance. In applying this framework to Pennsylvania, we discern certain institutional strengths that have allowed the Commonwealth to reap appreciable short‐term economic growth from rich resource endowments. We also find, however, that several institutional weaknesses have allowed costs externalized to the environment, public health, and community integrity to offset some proportion of those economic benefits. Likewise, we find that governance of UOGE in Pennsylvania has contributed to a bifurcated sociopolitical landscape wherein adversarial coalitions dispute the legitimacy of the industry and its governance. 相似文献
108.
Recent work has applied the Narrative Policy Framework (NPF) to examine narrative strategies in policy debates on social media platforms. We contribute to the literature by applying the NPF to fracking policy debates in New York using well-established Natural Language Processing tools, including sentiment analysis. We combine this computational approach with a qualitative hand-coding of pro- and antifracking Twitter influentials. This approach allows us to consider a much larger corpus of tweets over a much longer time frame than has been done thus far. We adapt and test NPF propositions related to the use of the devil/angel shift strategies before and after a major state-wide policy change, that is, a state-wide moratorium on high volume hydraulic fracturing or fracking. Overall, we find evidence for the use of the devil shift narrative strategy by the pro-fracking coalition aimed at the Governor prior to the moratorium. After the moratorium, the relative percentage of Tweets containing devil shift sentiments decreases as the pro-fracking coalition generally downshifts in its use of angel shift language without a corresponding increase in devil shift language, whereas, conversely, the anti-fracking coalition generally downshifts in its use of devil shift language without a general increase in angel shift language. When we shifted our analysis to Tweets containing fracking and the Governor, we found a similar postban decrease in devil shift language among anti-fracking users. Our findings offer lessons for using computational tools in the NPF as an approach to expand analytic ability and for the operationalization of concepts such as narrative strategies and policy entrepreneurs. 相似文献
109.
姜勇 《胜利油田党校学报》2014,(1):123-126
深入开展法制宣传教育,弘扬法治精神,积极探索适应油区特点的法制宣传教育的形式和载体,努力推进构建油区法制环境。不断适应油区法制建设的新特点,积极创造法制宣传教育新平台,并不断加强推进法制环境建设的保障机制,加快油区社会主义法制建设。 相似文献
110.
女性文学批评本土化过程中的语境差异 总被引:6,自引:0,他引:6
西方女性主义文学批评进入中国后遇到了完全不同于其理论源头的接受环境。这些接受环境差异包括:一、历史背景的差异,其主要表现为西方女性主义文学批评是先“破”后“立”,而中国本土则是先“立”后“破”;二、意识形态差异,主要表现为西方文化中的民主传统与中国传统文化中的集权思想形成的对照;三、学术背景差异,西方女性主义文学批评是以反拨“新批评”的学术革命开始的,而中国本土则得益于马克思主义的社会历史批评的滋养。这些差异既决定了中国女性主义文学批评的独特面貌,同时又呼唤西方理论本土化研究的新思路。 相似文献