Civil Society and Peace Negotiations: Beyond the Inclusion–Exclusion Dichotomy

Civil society is generally seen as an important actor in peace processes. But when it comes to reaching an agreement during peace negotiations, much of the current debate is centered on the question of including or excluding civil society. Although most researchers argue that civil society participation makes the process more sustainable and democratic, most practitioners emphasize that enhanced civil society participation makes it more difficult to reach a peace agreement. I argue that practitioners and theorists must both move beyond this dichotomy and, instead, focus on the variety of ways in which civil society actors can be included in a given negotiation process. To this end, I present in this article a comprehensive overview of nine models of inclusion, from most to least direct involvement of civil society, supported by illustrative case studies. Analysis of these models suggests that it will be possible to broaden the participation of civil society in peace negotiations without decreasing the negotiations' effectiveness.     

和谐之音：抗战时期的延安日本工农学校

日本工农学校,1940年10月成立于宝塔山西麓。其办学宗旨为宣扬中国共产党俘虏政策之精神,改造渐多之日军战俘。学校通过行动感化、理论讲述、生活照顾等方式对日本战俘进行再教育并使之转化。在清除法西斯主义毒害之后,他们或加入八路军,或服务于反战组织,其中许多人在战后也一直为中日友好做贡献。     

Kant’s Project of Perpetual Pacification

Richard Tuck locates a conundrum in the Hobbesian world view. Whereas the nation-state is desired to effect the pacification of the domestic sphere, a world state and the promise of global pacification is feared. Kant’s strong program for perpetual peace is presented as a moral imperative to establish through legal means a world republic based on reason and individual autonomy. Kant emphasizes the empirical impossibility of a world republic and hence advocates the weaker program of a world federation of states. This essay argues not the empirical but the logical impossibility of Kant’s strong program and by extension any program of perpetual peace that claims to be essentially different from ‘mere’ peace as truce. In so doing this essay distinguishes between political theory based on the assumption of the ontological priority of peace and political theory based on the assumption of the ontological priority of violence and argues for the necessity of thinking the latter.

中国抗战与日本南进政策的选择

二战中日本选择南进政策的根本动因何在？从全局上看,日本选择南进与中国抗战有必然的联系。正是中国抗战促使日本放弃了北进,而不得不贸然南进。南进既是日本帝国主义的无奈之举,又是破釜沉舟之策,由此注定了日本的最终失败。从这种意义上说,日本帝国主义的失败始于侵华战争。     

Lessons of Russian in Afghanistan

The experience of Soviet involvement in Afghanistan (1979–1989) is considered through the prism of institutional transfers. Afghanistan has a long history of attempts to implement Muslim, Soviet and Anglo-Saxon institutional designs. Most of them have failed. This failure can be attributed to the lack of ‘elective affinity’ between traditional and new institutions imported from more developed countries. It is argued that a careful examination of the degree of elective affinity must precede any attempt of institutional transfers. An analysis of Ph.D. dissertations defended by Afghan students at Soviet and Russian universities complements logical arguments and references to historical facts.

社会主义市场经济保卫战是新时期公安工作的重要主题

社会主义市场经济保卫战是新时期公安工作的重要主题,是公安机关的龙头工作,是掌握新形势下治安主动权的必由之路。社会主义市场经济保卫战既是重大的理论创新,也是具有革命性意义的重大治安举措。要有效地实施社会主义市场经济保卫战,必须处理好理论与实践、整体与重点、战略与战术、目的与手段的关系,强化创新意识、效益意识、公安产业意识和本领意识。     

冷战后美欧的对华政策

冷战后美国和欧盟的对华政策明显地拉开了距离 ,他们的对华政策的调整变化是由各自所处的国际环境、经济利益和战略利益所决定的 ,它对美中关系、欧中关系的发展产生了重要的影响。     

论战时舆论动员

舆论动员在战争舞台上扮演着越来越重要的角色。与其他战争动员样式相比,舆论动员是一种精神动员、信息动员、公众动员和媒体动员,是实现战时快速动员的基本保证,直接影响着战争的进程和结局。中国共产党在长期革命斗争实践中,构建了独具特色的战时舆论动员范式。其中,对战时舆论动员基本原则的范式认知主要包括:军事斗争谋略与舆论宣传思想高度统一,政治斗争规律与舆论宣传规律高度统一,舆论宣传实践与马克思主义新闻思想高度统一;对战时舆论动员基本路径的范式认知主要包括:争取一切力量扩大舆论阵地,整合新闻资源形成舆论强势,运用典型示范引导舆论走向。     

论"人-机"智能系统与超常性军事思维

提高战场的感知系统、传输系统和思维中介系统的效能,是信息化军事革命追求的一个重要目标。信息传感技术的发展深刻地改变了军事思维要素,使超常性军事思维呈现出“人—机”结合、人主机辅的特征。     

Pashtun Jirga and prospects of peace and conflict resolution in Pakistan’s ‘tribal’ frontier

ABSTRACT

There is growing recognition and appreciation of traditional approaches towards peace and conflict resolution across the world. This article aims to highlight the crucial role and consequential importance of traditional mechanisms of peace and conflict resolution in Pakistan’s terror-hit Pashtun ‘tribal’ areas, formerly known as the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA). These ‘peripheral’ areas of Pashtun tribes stand in relative isolation from the ‘centre’ of the Pakistani ruling establishment. Moreover, with the onset of militancy since 2001 in the Afghanistan–Pakistan region, the situation has turned worse for the local Pashtun tribes. The article discusses the changing role of traditional mechanisms and local structures of peace and conflict resolution, arguing that colonial legacies have failed to prevent, manage, resolve or transform conflicts in post-colonial states such as Pakistan. Furthermore, the Pashtun cultural code of Pashtunwali, along with its various tenets and structures, especially Jirga (Pashtun tribal council) and Lashkar (tribal militia), is also discussed in the article. The article concludes that the changing socio-political situation, along with the rise of the secular Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM), is presenting a challenge to ‘tribal’ Pashtun patriarchal values as well as traditional structures like Jirga in the region.