恐怖主义即是战争：军事历史上的教训

恐怖主义是战争的一种形式,只有动用武装力量才能将其彻底铲除。恐怖活动作为一种军事战术,其目的是杀死敌方战士,降低公民的道德标准。为了打击恐怖主义,美国武装力量应对支持全球恐怖主义国家的军事盟友实施攻击,主要针对军事目标,不能伤及平民。美国武装力量也可以采用小股部队突袭的方式,深入敌方国家,对敌方领导人实施抓捕或处死。     

冷战初期苏联的对外战略评析

从二战结束的1945年到1947年的两年间,由于大国关系、国际政治环境发生了重大变化,苏联的对外战略随之进行调整,即从"积极防御战略"向有限扩张战略转变。这种战略转变加剧了美苏的权力竞争和利益争夺。     

论《陕甘宁边区抗战时期施政纲领》与“三民主义”

《陕甘宁边区抗战时期施政纲领》是在建立抗日民族统一战线的时代背景下,中国共产党为与国民党法统保持一致而制定的唐级地方性法规。它以三民主义理论为指导思想,同时又保持自身的相对独立性。随着抗战形势的发展,国民党政权妄图通过重新解释三民主义,建立一党专制的政权。为争取自身的独立合法地位,中共提出符合三大政策的新三民主义才是国共合作的理论基础。《陕甘宁边区抗战时期施政纲领》的制定、公布、实施和废止的过程是中共对三民主义理论的认真研究和不断创新的过程。中共的三民主义理论不仅对根据地时期的法制建设意义深远,而且对当代中国的法制建设也具有一定的启示意义。     

伊拉克战争涉及的国际法和国际刑法问题

战争行为是人类历史上最为残暴的行为之一,在国际犯罪种类中也属于最为严重的罪行之一。近代第一次和第二次世界大战的爆发,不仅没有达到战争发动者所欲追求的结果,反而进一步暴露了战争的残酷性,也发展了涉及战争行为的国际法律文件。1949年的四个《日内瓦公约》及两个《附加议定书》确立了战争行为采用的规章和规则,并进一步确认了战争罪行违反国际人道主义法和习惯国际法的基本模式。因此战争,尤其是国际性的伊拉克战争不可避免地涉及国际法和国际刑法的问题。     

The Jenin Initiative: Counterinsurgency by Capacity Building

In late 2008, as negotiations between the Israelis and the Palestinians faltered, the US directed the Jenin Initiative on the ground in the West Bank. Designed to inspire confidence in Washington’s security-driven ‘West Bank First’ strategy, the Jenin Initiative married economic development to security sector reform under the Palestinian Authority. Drawing on the perspectives of those responsible for implementing the Jenin Initiative, this article reveals how counterinsurgency doctrine transplanted from the ‘war on terror’ shaped US interventions that built capacity in the Palestinian Authority. The Jenin Initiative exposes the extent of US intervention to create an effective apparatus of Palestinian self-policing to enhance – but not replace – that of the Israeli occupation.     

Strategic rebels: a spatial econometric approach to rebel fighting durations in civil wars

ABSTRACT

Recent research on multi-actor civil wars highlights that rebel organizations condition their conflict behavior on that of other rebel organizations, with competition and free-riding constituting the core theoretical mechanisms. We provide a new actor-centric approach to explicitly model strategic interdependence in multi-actor civil wars. We argue that rebel organizations have incentives to remain mobilized until the end of a conflict to maintain their power to negotiate, power to spoil, power to enforce, and power to protect. This induces strategic complements that dominate duration dynamics in multi-actor conflicts. Based on a network game-theoretic model, we derive a spatial econometric framework that allows for a direct test of strategic interdependence. We find that the estimated duration interdependence is positive but partially offset in secessionist conflicts where the public goods nature of the incompatibility also induces strategic substitution effects.     

Oil,Natural Gas,and Intrastate Conflict: Does Ownership Matter?

The impact of natural resources on intrastate violence has been increasingly analyzed in the peace and conflict literature. Surprisingly, little quantitative evidence has been gathered on the effects of the resource-ownership structure on internal violence. This article uses a novel data set on oil and natural gas property rights, covering 40 countries during the period 1989–2010. The results of regression analyses employing logit models reveal that the curvilinear effect between hydrocarbon production and civil conflict onset—often found in previous studies—only applies to countries in which oil and gas is extracted by state-owned companies. The findings suggest that only state-controlled hydrocarbon production might entail peace-buying mechanisms such as specific clientelistic practices, patronage networks, welfare policies, and/or coercion. At the same time, it seems that greed and grievance are more pronounced whenever resources lie in the hands of the state. Exploring the within-country variation, further analyses reveal that divergent welfare spending patterns are likely to be one causal channel driving the relationship between resource ownership and internal violence.     

The discursive construction of intervention: selves,democratic legacies,and Responsibility to Protect in French discourse on Libya

This article analyses French executives' and lawmakers' legitimisations of the intervention in Libya with the aim of understanding the discursive construction of intervention. It investigates the arguments in favour of intervention and the oppositions they were confronted with. To these arguments belong a re-evaluated democratic legacy of France, an identification with the Libyan people, and a debate on Responsibility to Protect and the rule of law in world politics, which have a broader relevance for French actorness abroad. The article applies the Essex School discourse theory and techniques from Interpretive Policy Analysis on executive speeches and parliamentary documents for structuring the debate and for estimating the strength of ideas in their interdiscursive configuration. An ideal-typical explanation of the legitimisation of intervention and of the choice of one policy over another is made. The article argues that going to war in Libya equated to a question of cultural appropriateness.     

The Guatemalan National Revolutionary unit: the long collapse

ABSTRACT

The Guatemalan National Revolutionary Unit (URNG) fought one of the longest and bloodiest civil wars in recent Latin American history. In 1996, the URNG and the Government of Guatemala signed a Firm and Lasting Agreement ending the country’s civil war and initiating the URNG’s post-war life as a political party. After finishing third in its initial electoral competition, the URNG has since been unable to capture more than 4% of the vote, on its own or in coalition, leaving it a minor political party. What explains the poor electoral performance of the URNG as a political party? Based upon fieldwork, elite interviews, and analysis of electoral data, I argue that the URNG’s minor party performance was caused by both organizational and institutional factors.     

Truth, Reconciliation and Justice: The South African Experience in Perspective

The lecture examines the role and objectives of truth and reconciliation commissions in societies undergoing major political transitions, with particular reference to the model of South Africa, and compares this method to others suggested by international criminal law for accommodating both retributive and restorative responses to past conflicts and crimes against humanity.