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901.
A program designed for either women, visible minorities, or disabled persons was rated by 264 women and men respondents. An analysis of variance revealed that reactions to affirmative action varied according to the sex of the respondent and the group targeted by the policy. Further analyses were conducted to examine the effects of two social justice concerns on support for affirmative action, that is, scope of justice (extending fair treatment onto others) and perceived threat on behalf of nondesignated groups. According to findings, the link between social justice concerns and reactions to the policy was affected by the group targeted by affirmative action. Furthermore, both social justice concerns were not equally important predictors of attitudes toward affirmative action for women and men respondents. 相似文献
902.
903.
民事诉讼基本模式转换理论的实践解读 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
作为法实务工作者 ,我十分赞成民事诉讼基本模式转换理论的观点 ,但同时我也注意到 ,这种理论的分析主要是一种学理分析 ,还缺乏实践的经验性论说。而我的法律事务经验有助于对这一理论给予实践性解读。 相似文献
904.
论著作权侵权纠纷中停止侵害的适用 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
马凤敏 《河南公安高等专科学校学报》2004,(6):13-16
《著作权法》中只规定了侵权的民事责任方式,对停止侵害的适用条件和具体责任方式并没有规定。正确认识停止侵害的适用条件,准确适用停止侵害这种民事责任方式,对保护著作权,制止侵权行为具有重要的意义。 相似文献
905.
Yagil Levy 《Citizenship Studies》2008,12(3):249-264
Historically, Israel's ability to sustain a situation of armed conflict for a long time was predicated on the republican equation in which the dominant group – the secular Ashkenazim – exchanged military sacrifice for social dominance. Nonetheless, an imbalance between military burden and social rewards, which emerged during the 1970s and1980s, led the middle-class Ashkenazim to undertake collective action aimed at reducing the burden of military service through protest and peace movements, along with more individual tactics. These modes of action, together with the attenuated status of the military, spurred on national-religious and Mizrachi groups to integrate themselves into the traditional equation, or to formulate an alternative one (the Gush Emunim and the Orthodox route). Arguably, the status of each group in the military, which itself saw an erosion in its social status, played a major part in shaping the nature, scope and strategy of each group's collective actions. The groups capitalized on the opportunities that the military offered them in accordance with their capacity to utilize the resources they had at their disposal. 相似文献
906.
Bruce Bimber 《政治交往》2017,34(1):6-20
Research dealing with the nexus of collective action, political participation, and digital media confronts three challenges: conceptualizing digital media as an influence on human behavior, finding common ground among new theories, and connecting together individual-level models with structural-level theories. This article addresses these challenges as a theoretical undertaking. It argues that the digital media environment should be understood as a change in the context for action rather than as an individual-level variable, and that this changed context is relevant to behavior because it expands opportunities for action. This expansion involves a range of structural possibilities for viable collective action that entail at least three paths: organizational prompts, social prompts, and self-initiation. There are theoretical reasons to expect that individual-level attributes including age, education, ideology, and personality may differentially affect people’s susceptibility to these prompts. Future research may profit from refinements to behavioral models that account for possible differences across structurally different prompts for action. 相似文献
907.
Political organizations frequently attempt to recruit sympathetic citizens to support their causes. Doing so requires communicating credibility—that is, persuading potential new supporters that they can actually achieve the goals they set out to achieve. In this article we investigate two of the predominant kinds of information that organizations might use to establish credibility: retrospective information (about past successes) and prospective information (about future plans). Using one field experiment and one survey experiment, we find that retrospective information fails to increase people’s willingness to spend scarce resources supporting political organizations. We find that this occurs because information about past successes suggests that the organization can succeed without any additional help. In contrast, we find that prospective information motivates new participants to become active. 相似文献
908.
This paper considers how the use of ‘hybridity’ in the peacebuilding literature overlooks the gendered dimensions of hybrid interactions. It does so by examining the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) Resolution 1325 national action plans (NAPs) for Liberia and Sierra Leone. By asking the gendered questions of ‘who participates?’ and ‘how do they participate?’ it draws from Mac Ginty’s conception of hybridity and traces the compliance and incentivizing power in hybridized peace, as well as the ability of local actors to resist and provide alternatives. However, Mac Ginty’s model is found to be inadequate because of its inattention to the gendered nature of power. It is found that with a gendered approach to hybridity, it is easier to trace the processes of hybridization of NAPs in post-conflict states where their implementation is limited. In asking the questions of ‘who’ and ‘how’, three conclusions about the gendered nature of hybrid peacebuilding are drawn: international intervention relies upon the ‘feminization’ of local actors; issues framed within the realm of the ‘masculine’ are more likely to get attention; and the Resolution 1325 agenda in post-conflict states can be subverted by framing it as a ‘soft’ issue. 相似文献
909.
性别歧视的界定 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
歧视现象,近年来越来越泛地受到关注.性别歧视、劳动歧视、地域歧视、乙肝歧视、身高歧视……人们在日常生活中的诸多领域发现了不平等、不公平的现象,宪法中的"人人平等"原则从一个抽象而空泛的规定突然变和触手可及.性别歧视作为常见的歧视形式,尤其引起了人们的关注.界定歧视的概念,制定有关歧视的法律,确立禁止歧视的原则,建立有效的事后救济途径,动员立法、司法机关以及社会各界力量,提供积极措施,通过赋予被歧视者以合法权利的方式,消除两性歧视,是法学研究面临的重大课题之一.目前,深化对性别歧视问题的讨论,是尽快启动性别歧视立法程序,推动社会和谐进步的有效步骤. 相似文献
910.
对邓正来文本的分析集中于以下这样一个问题,也即世界结构能否自然而然地作用于中国?这是一个需要进行考问的前提性问题.在中国结构本身无法成功地组织自身的情境之下,它也就很难成功地与世界结构进行良性互动.以上分析,都基于中国结构内卷化倾向;与此同时,也对世界结构之下的中国结构之政治维度进行了分析.在此基础上,总结了对邓正来文本的批判性理解. 相似文献