论参与式教学方法在大学教育中的运用--以《社会保障概论》教学为例

提高教学质量,是高校办学的目标之一,采取适当的教学方法是教师完成其教学目的的关键。本文在分析大学生学习动机、记忆力及注意力分布特点等基础上,以《社会保障概论》课程教学为例,探讨如何运用参与式教学方法满足大学生学习的各种特点和要求,提高大学教学质量。     

关注法定权利实现的细节

从消费者对“知假买假不受保护”的普遍反对中,折射出他们对法定权利的认识尚停留在感性阶段,而缺乏对其实现的具体细节的理性探析。其实,法定权利和现实权利之间存在较大距：4,前者能否转化成后者,还取决于许多不确定因素。因此,在法定权利日益丰富而实现却存在诸多障碍的今天,对其实现所必备的相关细节的深入关注,就愈显重要。     

青蛙之死:异度空间里的网络化生存

随着计算机技术的不断革新,网络媒体获得了空前发展,它在带来种种便利的同时,也使人类逐渐远离大自然。通过“拟仿”,网络媒体创造了一个全新的、虚幻的“公共领域”。这种完全不同于传统媒体的信息传播方式消解了现代社会一直以来的话语霸权而貌似让普通公众享受到了前所未有的“自由”,但这种虚幻的自由仍不过是网络媒体获得注意力经济的一种手段。人就像不断加热的水里的青蛙,渐渐丧失了对网络应有的批判意识与警惕心理,而生存在一个异度空间中。     

高其倬治滇农业思想初探

在自然经济时代,农业作为"本业"历受统治阶级的青睐,从而产生了不同时期和地区的农业思想.云南地处边疆、民族众多,历代官员在治滇过程中都形成了各不同的农业思想.其中,在清代云南政治、经济和文化发展中作出了积极贡献的云贵总督高其倬治滇的农业思想,尤其具有代表性.这不仅是整个封建社会重农意识在他身上的体现,也是云南农业生产极端落后且急需发展的状况在其思想中的体现.     

Mass media attention to welfare state reforms: evidence from Britain, 1996–2014

One of the core questions facing political scientists is how politicians are able to implement cutbacks without suffering electoral backlash. A possible explanation might be that the mass media refrain from reporting on welfare state reforms in a consistent way. In order to explore this, two unique datasets have been collected: one contains information on all policy reforms of British old age pensions and unemployment protection from 1996 to 2014, and the other contains hand-coded media articles that allow the tracking on a monthly basis of what reforms are picked up. It is found that the mass media report on cutbacks, but not on expansions, and that they prioritise easy-to-understand cutbacks over cutbacks that are more technical in nature.     

More than meets the eye: the role of psychopathic traits in attention to distress

ABSTRACT

Although psychopathic traits have long been associated with predation and violence, it is unclear how individuals high in psychopathic traits choose victims. Victim selection and violence perpetration may be facilitated by attention to, or unawareness of, distressful facial expressions. Using a novel eye-tracking paradigm, the present study aimed to identify whether psychopathic traits are associated with unconscious attentional biases to expressions of distress. A sample of 138 undergraduates (23 males, 115 females, M_age?=?20.4) viewed 80 paired images portraying a neutral, and authentic expression of either fear, pain, embarrassment, startle, or sadness. Psychopathic traits did not predict initial orientation to distressing over neutral expressions. However, callous-affective traits negatively predicted attentional maintenance to expressions of embarrassment and pain, whereas criminal tendencies and erratic lifestyle positively predicted attentional maintenance to embarrassment and pain, respectively. Findings offer insight into perceptual processing of others’ distress, with implications for violence and victim selection.     

Parliamentary Questions as an Instrument for Geographic Representation: The Hard Case of Portugal

This article asks whether and why, in a system lacking electoral incentives to cultivate personal votes, MPs might choose to signal to geographic constituents. It explores this question by analysing the number of written parliamentary questions submitted to the Portuguese parliament on two issues – unemployment and crime – between 2009 and 2015, and asking if MPs are more inclined to table questions on specific issues when their districts suffer particularly from related problems. The article finds evidence that constituency‐level problem pressure does matter for the signalling activities of MPs, although policy specialization remains the main driver of their issue emphasis. This finding contributes new knowledge to the ongoing debate on the factors accounting for the representative relationship between MPs and constituents, by drawing attention to the importance of district‐level problem pressure as one of the drivers of issue sponsorship in parliament.     

Attention as a Valuable Resource

Keeping up with the news and monitoring public affairs are typically considered civic obligations. Yet there is a great deal of competition for people’s limited attention. Some studies explore when people tune in to the news and what sorts of public affairs content attract our time, but these topics warrant more research. Scholars concerned with the news media’s political role must better understand what leads people to the news in the first place. The practical import of this work is pronounced in an era where news organizations struggle to make ends meet. The purpose of this essay is to categorize what we know about what motivates people to tune in to news and then to propose a research agenda for analyzing attention to public affairs content.     

The Nonlinear Effect of Information on Political Attention: Media Storms and U.S. Congressional Hearings

Agenda-setting scholars have claimed that the typical punctuated pattern of governmental attention is a consequence of disproportionate information processing. Yet these claims remain unsubstantiated. We tackle this challenge by considering mass media coverage as a source of information for political actors and by examining the relationship between preceding media information and subsequent governmental attention. Employing data capturing U.S. media attention and congressional hearings (1996–2006), we find that the effects of media attention on congressional attention are conditioned by the presence of “media storms”—sudden and large surges in media attention to a given topic. A one-story increase in media attention has a greater effect on congressional attention in the context of a media storm, since media storms surpass a key threshold for catching policymakers’ attention. We find evidence that the influence of media attention on political attention is nonlinear; agenda-setting operates differently when the media are in storm mode.     

Participation for What? A Policy-motivated Approach to Political Activism

Normatively and intuitively, we conceive of political participation as an integral component of democratic policymaking. However, research on participation generally does not include policy considerations as part of individuals’ decisions to engage in activism. I offer an opportunity model of participation that begins to study how policy goals shape individual participation and how aggregate participation shapes policymaking. The central argument is that individuals’ policy goals allow them to recognize those moments when it is most efficient and/or effective to take action. Examining black participation from 1980 to 1994, I show that black Americans are more likely to participate when they face external threats, are embedded in social networks, and have greater access to policymakers. Most importantly, the recognition of these opportunities varies according to individuals’ resources. This research moves beyond the discussion of who participates to address the equally fundamental question: participation for what?