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991.
通过台湾客家小说提供的生活图景,客家女性那种“大地之母”和“女中丈夫”的形象跃然纸上,她们那种坚忍打拼和“痴情重义”的性格生动呈现,并占据客家族群形象的独特地位。在上述形象塑造和性格表征的背后,客家女性对农耕文化的生命认同,对家国政治的精神认同,对婚姻爱情的价值认同,成为她们性格深层最稳定的族群文化积淀。对客家女性形象的寻找利发现,有助于我们走进客家文化的历史语境,来认知族群人物性格的生成和建构。 相似文献
992.
993.
邵祖峰 《湖北警官学院学报》2008,(4):53-58
警察临战决策作为一种非常规的决策,由于面临的不确定性因素较多,因而其决策风险远远高于普通决策。文章首先界定了警察临战决策风险的内涵,设计了分阶段加循环警察临战决策模式,分析了警察临战决策的主要风险类型,最后在常规风险识别技术的基础上,提出了基于流程图加环境扫描方法的警察临战决策风险识别的方法,并指出了其实施要点。 相似文献
994.
90后农民工作为一个新兴群体已经登上历史舞台,与前两代农民工相比,他们更注重自我价值的实现。但是自身条件的不足和社会环境的种种限制,就像一道道有形无形的门槛不断粉碎着他们的城市梦,阻碍了其自我价值的实现。在构建和谐社会、转变经济发展方式、城乡统筹发展的大背景下,如何以新的有效手段和方式来保障90后农民工的自我价值的实现与超越,促进这个生机勃勃的青年群体充分发展,这是摆在我们面前的一道亟须破解的现实课题。 相似文献
995.
指纹识别技术自出现以来一直被视为权威的科学证据。但是近年来指纹鉴定错误案例的逐渐曝光和指纹识别标准一直的阙如,使得指纹识别技术的科学可靠性逐渐受到了一些质疑。同时电脑彩色打印、指纹膜等科学技术的发展也给指纹识别技术带来了一系列需要引起重视的新挑战。 相似文献
996.
左琦 《铁道警官高等专科学校学报》2013,(6):121-123
当前在公安信息化建设中指纹识别系统的应用已经逐渐成熟和完善。我国大多数公安院校引进了指纹识别系统并开展了教学工作。探讨信息化条件下指纹识别系统教学工作中的课程性质、教学模式、运行环境、学生能力培养、师资水平、教材建设等问题,对这门新兴的公安技术课程有建设性意义。 相似文献
997.
The study of political parties and voter partisanship has come full circle in 4 decades. During the 1960s and 1970s numerous scholars advanced the thesis of party decline, contending that party organizations had disintegrated, party influence in government had plummeted, and voter partisanship had eroded. The 1980s and 1990s saw a turnaround in scholarly judgments, however, as first party organizations, then party in government, and finally voter partisanship appeared to strengthen. This article reviews the evidence for the downs and ups of parties, suggesting that the evidence of party resurgence is more equivocal than often realized. The parties subfield currently lacks the theory and theoretical sensitivity that enables us to interpret ambiguous empirical evidence. This contrasts with the congressional subfield where the issues now confronting the parties subfield were recognized a decade ago. 相似文献
998.
The concept of party identification is central to our understanding of electoral behavior. This paper builds upon the functional logic of party identification and asks what occurs when more Germans manage the complexities of politics without needing to rely on habitual party cues—what we label as Apartisans. We track the distribution of party mobilization and cognitive mobilization within the German electorate from 1976 until 2009. Then, we demonstrate the importance of these mobilization patterns by documenting strong differences in electoral commitment, the content of political thinking, and electoral change. The results suggest a secular transformation in the characteristics of the public has led to a more differentiated and dealigned German electorate. 相似文献
999.
While some scholars interpret the frequently documented association between age and the strength of party identification as evidence of accumulated political learning, others stress the importance of critical life stages. Germany's turbulent last century, with its suspensions of democratic processes, provides the unique opportunity to empirically disentangle both effects and to also study the consequences of early experiences of autocratic regimes on later growth rates in partisan strength. Random growth curve models based on multi-cohort panel data emanating from the German Socio-Economic Panel show that the growth trajectory in the strength of party identification largely depends on the number of electoral experiences. Moreover, the analysis documents few differences in growth rates between individuals socialized in democratic versus autocratic regimes. 相似文献
1000.
This paper proposes that voters are more likely to turn out at elections if candidates and parties address their issue concerns in the election campaign. Voters with high levels of congruence in policy priorities should perceive the campaign as more interesting and the election as more relevant. In addition, the costs associated with the vote choice should be lower if voters' policy priorities are salient. The effect should be weakened by party identification, which acts both as a mobilising force and as a heuristic to the vote choice, making information costs less detrimental to turnout. The analysis, which links voter survey data with candidate survey and media content data from the 2009 German federal election, confirms the hypotheses. 相似文献