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61.
Kerry Brown 《亚洲事务》2018,49(1):1-10
The fact that the extensive anti-corruption struggle that has consumed China since 2013 is highly political is widely accepted and understood. But the question is precisely what political strategy it is directed at – that of bolstering the position of the current supreme leader, Xi Jinping. Or for the preservation of the Party itself. There is a huge difference between these. The first simply means in effect the replacement of one corruptible elite by another. The second means a titanic struggle to change the Chinese communist party culture of power, and to make it enduring and sustainable. 相似文献
62.
密切联系群众,善于开展群众工作,是我们党的优良传统和优势所在。为了实现党的十八大确定的宏伟目标,必须紧紧依靠广大人民群众,努力提高做好新形势下群众工作的能力。 相似文献
63.
Jonathan R. Corrado 《亚洲事务》2017,48(3):445-470
Why has loyalty to the Kim Family Regime and the Worker’s Party diminished over the past twenty years despite a rise in the average standard of living, greater social mobility, and a regime policy of benign neglect towards marketization? Unthinkable in the Kim Il Sung era, the increase in expressions of resentment toward the North Korean authorities represents a shift in the ideology, behavior, and motivation of the population. Four critical factors have heightened tensions between state and society in North Korea, leading to a reduction in loyalty among the general population. The author considers the impact of labor mobilizations, the declining importance of party membership, the influence of foreign media, and the rise of rent seeking and extractive policies. While all play a role, it is important and possible to identify the primary cause. Extractive policies and rent-seeking position the regime and the people in a directly adversarial relationship. All tiers and agencies of the government have become complicit in efforts to siphon off profits, control market actors through crony capitalism, rent seek, over-regulate, and compete against private market actors, causing the residents to express frustration and resentment towards a government that does not have their interests at heart. 相似文献
64.
This article juxtaposes two of the most influential yet under-studied America watchers within the top echelon of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), Wang Huning and Zheng Bijian. To be sure, the two have indelibly shaped CCP attitudes, yet surprisingly enough, although Zheng has been written about extensively in the English language, Wang has hitherto largely remained outside academics’ purview. This article also aims, in passing, to explore linkages between Wang and Zheng ideas and those of other well- known America watchers like Liu Mingfu and Yan Xuetong. The comparison offers clues as to the extent to which the current advisory shaping CCP thinking on the US differs from the previous generation, and as to whether CCP thinking is un-American or anti-American in essence. The conclusions ties the study together by arguing, based on Wang and Zheng's views, that New Confucianism may shape Chinese society in the future 相似文献
65.
习近平的基层党建思想,丰富了马克思主义建党学说,为新形势下做好党的基层工作提供了新的理论指导。其具有以下明显的理论特征:以满足人民需要为目的,促进全面发展的执政理念;以改革创新为动力,不断开创基层党建工作新局面的时代精神;以先进力量为表率,身体力行躬身示范的责任担当;以党章为根本标准,从严要求党员的坚定信心;以实事求是为思想指导,坚持求真务实的思维方法。 相似文献
66.
龙一海 《安徽警官职业学院学报》2016,(1):118-121
自改革开放以来,数量庞大的务工人员作为流动人口,进入城市寻找工作。流动人口聚居区作为大部分流动人口在城市的定居方式,在一、二线城市已经出现多年了。流动人口自发组成的非正式组织是自身满足社交需求的重要方式。流动人口非正式组织对于公安机关的治安维持和人口管控具有重要的意义。公安机关应该重视对流动人口非正式组织的监控和管理。 相似文献
67.
Martin Purbrick 《亚洲事务》2017,48(2):236-256
This essay reviews the history of Uighur related terrorism in Xinjiang as well as elsewhere in China and discusses the political motivations and effectiveness of the Chinese government in suppressing terrorism. The essay assesses both the motivations of the Uighurs engaged in terrorism, as well as the motivations for counter terrorist by the Chinese authorities. A key objective of the essay is to determine what are the political and other reasons that drive the Chinese government’s counter terrorism strategy and tactics and whether these have been effective or counter-productive. The essay assesses the counter terrorism strategy of the Chinese government in Xinjiang Province and across China, the political motivations for the strategy, the impact and success or otherwise. The essay discusses if the government is combatting terrorism, or separatism, or extremism, the confusion of these terms, and whether this has had any impact on the effectiveness of counter terrorism. 相似文献
68.
实事求是是中国共产党在近百年革命、建设与改革实践中一以贯之的根本思想路线和工作方法。在中国共产党人的视野中,“实事求是”是一种态度精神、一种认识规律、一种实践路线。共产党人坚持实事求是,是因为“实事求是就是最大的党性”,因为“共产党员应是实事求是的模范”,因为我们“要靠实事求是吃饭”。在主题教育活动中重温“实事求是”,必须不断凝聚坚持实事求是的不竭动力,准确把握坚持实事求是的方法要求,努力涵养坚持实事求是的实践品格。 相似文献
69.
党员质量问题,是关乎党执政地位巩固和加强执政能力建设的重大问题,是党应对复杂局面和抵御各种风险能力的基础。在党的八大上,邓小平就党员质量问题从提高党员质量必要性、党员质量的标准、党员质量提高的办法等多方面进行了全面深入思考。《关于修改党的章程的报告》凝结了建国以来邓小平提高党员质量的主要思想。 相似文献
70.
王辛刚 《北京行政学院学报》2021,(2):13-19
推进国家现代化是百年以来中国共产党孜孜以求的奋斗目标。为应对资本主义现代化的冲击,中国共产党在长期的革命斗争中逐渐明晰:现代化之于中国的首要意义在于改变落后挨打的命运,赢得国家独立,迎接现代化成为先进政党改变落后国家状态的战略选择。新中国成立后,中国共产党最初将现代化定义为工业化,将其作为摆脱贫穷落后面貌的根本途径,并在探索中逐步明确和丰富了“社会主义现代化”的发展目标与基本内涵,开启了追赶世界现代化的征程。党的十八大以来,中国共产党人愈加自信,“社会主义现代化”就是要实现中华民族的伟大复兴和人民对美好生活的向往,而中国式现代化道路也是可以引领世界现代化前进方向的中国智慧。 相似文献