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111.
王崇英 《四川行政学院学报》2003,(4):45-49
WTO规则和中国宪法的适用,首先关系到WTO规则适用和中国宪法适用的两个基本涵义。就“适用”一词而言,是指实施性的应用。而WTO规则适用和中国宪法适用的涵义,是指法定原则、规则的实施性应用。不过WTO规则的适用和中国宪法的适用,不仅具有一般的适用涵义,而且具有特定的适用涵义。本文着重从特定的涵义上加以认识,从中分析WTO规则和中国宪法在适用上的特点,以此对中国的国际法地位和法律保障作些思考。 相似文献
112.
陈柳裕 《浙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2006,(2):11-17
本文在将民营经济法制的发展进程划分为创建时期、蛰伏时期和复兴时期三个不同时段,并宏观描述三个历史阶段民营经济法制的各自特征的基础上,全面梳理了建国以来民营经济法制的演变轨迹。文章认为,新中国民营经济法制的发展,在调整手段上呈现由“政策法律并举、政策优先”到“法律主导、政策补充”的演变过程,在具体内容上反映出了由“体现计划经济体制要求”到“反映现代市场经济体制要求”的过渡。在立法目的上显现由“利用、限制、改造”逐步演变为“确认、保护、促进”的特征,在保护对象上呈现从保护“资本家的经济利益”逐步调整为保护“民营企业的合成权利”的态势,在规制的对象上体现了由“资本家个人”到“民营企业本身”的轨迹。 相似文献
113.
Between 1996 and 2008 Italy has experienced four government alternations in as many consecutive elections. It could be argued that after the dramatic party change that occurred in the early 90s the Italian system is in a state of constant flux and voters appear rather bewildered. This paper presents an opposite argument, showing that voters' choice reflects the greater importance of valence politics – performance, the economy – acting as a cue to voting behaviour, interacting with a long-term political predisposition. In turn, this promotes parties' responsiveness and accountability since the overall performance of a government – even of a coalition government – appears as a goal to be shared by all partners, under the threat of defeat for all. The analysis is carried out employing the Italian National Elections Studies series. 相似文献
114.
在我国刑法典中,以危险方法危害公共安全罪存在立法留白,其罪状描述缺乏明确性.而在司法实践中,此罪的触角已进入生产非食品原料、盗窃井盖、交通肇事等领域.在2020年新型冠状病毒疫情的助推下,两高、两部联合制定了《关于依法惩治妨害新型冠状病毒感染肺炎疫情防控违法犯罪的意见》,将两种情形以以危险方法危害公共安全定罪处罚,明显... 相似文献
115.
医患冲突的频繁发生有多种原因,但医患权利内容的混乱、错位以及模糊不清所导致医患权利配置的不平衡、不协调是很大的因素,使得医患双方在权利行使过程中无所适从,从而导致冲突的一再发生。有效地规范医患双方权利,特别是对权利的有效限制,是解决医患冲突的重要手段。 相似文献
116.
随着人工辅助生育技术的日益普及,实践中出现了一些涉及胚胎的法律问题,问题的解决需要首先厘清胚胎的法律属性,再确定胚胎的处置规则。本文在分析相应法律规范、制度、案例的基础上,结合比较法和实践研究,对以上问题进行初步探讨,提出了胚胎的法律定位应界定为"中介",在处置规则上应考虑生育行为的社会属性、未成年人利益及利益均衡,以不允许单方处置为原则。 相似文献
117.
Christopher D. Raymond 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2021,40(1):100-116
With countries like Chile facing secularisation, some research predicts religious-secular cleavages will ‘dealign’, while other research suggests these cleavages will persist so long as religious-secular divisions are reflected among presidential candidates. Using surveys of first-round voting intentions in the five most recent presidential elections in Chile, the analysis shows that religious-secular divisions in voting appear when candidates are divided clearly along religious-secular lines (and not when divisions among candidates are blurred). These findings suggest researchers need to account for the impact candidates' positions have on the appearance of religious-secular divisions before declaring that dealignment has occurred. 相似文献
118.
Catia G. Malvaso Michael Proeve Paul Delfabbro Jesse Cale 《Journal of Sexual Aggression》2020,26(1):36-61
ABSTRACTPeople who commit sexual offences are a heterogeneous group, with research suggesting that children and young people commit a large proportion of all sex offences, especially those committed against other children. This systematic review provides a synthesis of literature concerning the characteristics of children and adolescents who exhibit harmful sexual behaviour. There is a particular focus in this review on studies that examine the characteristics of children and young people exhibiting these behaviours within institutional and organisational settings or which take a situational and/or developmental approach to understanding sexually abusive behaviour. Using a developmental and life-course criminology lens, this review explores implications from the literature for the prevention and response to child sexual abuse, with a particular focus on institutional contexts where the perpetrators are children and adolescents. 相似文献
119.
The consideration set model posits that in multi-party elections voters decide in two stages. We expect that in the consideration stage, when voters select viable options, ideological proximity is a key determinant, while in the choice stage election-specific factors become particularly important. This would imply that consideration sets are rather stable and that changes in voting preferences occur mainly within ideologically coherent consideration sets. This study examines both claims by analyzing panel survey data from Sweden and the Netherlands. Consideration sets were indeed rather stable, more so than voting intentions. After one year, voters still considered the same party in 81% of cases and only 13% of respondents shifted between ideological camps. This indicates that voters changed electoral preferences primarily within the boundaries of relatively stable consideration sets and ideological camps. These findings help to understand how elections can be volatile, despite the strong impact of highly stable ideological orientations. 相似文献
120.
Cory L. Struthers 《英联邦与比较政治学杂志》2018,56(4):523-546
Scholars argue that members of parliament (MPs) in first-past-the-post (FPTP) systems have stronger incentives to cater to their electoral district than those in proportional representation (PR) types. Yet, few studies have explored whether MPs in PR systems or MPs from small parties engage local issues in general. I build new theory and explore its support through a case study that compares Green party behaviour in an FPTP system (the UK) to a PR system (New Zealand). Results show that MPs focus on local issues in both systems, but the distribution of attention varies in ways consistent with differing electoral incentives. 相似文献