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991.
卫生议题正处在当前全球治理的突出位置,其核心是如何更有效地实现全球卫生公共产品供给。作为新兴负责任大国,中国秉持人类命运共同体理念,积极参与全球卫生治理体系变革,成为日益重要的引领者与公共产品供给者。中国通过多边、区域、双边等多元路径实现供给,国内与国际逻辑趋于统一,逐渐形成了自己的鲜明特色;但在供给体制、产品结构等方面也存在一些不足。新时代中国卫生外交需着眼于全球治理趋势,立足于自身实力与责任,通过提供更多全球卫生公共产品来推动全球卫生领域的良好治理,为构建人类卫生健康共同体作出应有贡献。  相似文献   
992.
The current study analyzes police use of force as a series of time-bound transactions between officers, civilians, and bystanders. The research begins with a systematic social observation of use-of-force events recorded on police body-worn cameras in Newark, New Jersey. Researchers measure the occurrence and time stamps for numerous participant physical and verbal behaviors. Data are converted into a longitudinal panel format measuring all observed behaviors in 5-second intervals. Panel logistic regression models estimate the effect of each behavior on use of force in immediate and subsequent temporal periods. Findings indicate certain variables influence use of force at a distinct point in time, whereas others exert influence on use of force across multiple time periods. The most influential variables relate to authority maintenance theoretical constructs. This finding supports prior perspectives arguing that police use of force largely results from officer attempts to maintain constant authority over civilians during face-to-face encounters. Nonetheless, a range of additional variables reflecting procedural justice, civilian resistance, and bystander presence significantly affect when police use force during civilian encounters. Results provide nuance to theoretical frameworks considering use of force as resulting from the interplay between officer and civilian actions and reactions.  相似文献   
993.
With domestic violence (DV) at an all-time high, police departments are drastically underutilizing technology to combat DV. Currently, New York police departments complete a “Domestic Incident Report” at the scene of domestic incidents but fail to adequately facilitate support services. New York State should mandate a services component into police DV protocols, specifically by commissioning: (1) an application linked to DV organizations presented at the scene of domestic incidents; and (2) a gateway application to refer victims to the correct services. Such tools would allow for the rendering of more efficient support to DV victims in times of immediate crisis.  相似文献   
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995.

Research Summary

The Kansas City Preventive Patrol Experiment (KCPPE) was seen by its developers to have produced “consistent evidence of the lack of effects of any consequence on crime,” a conclusion that was to have a strong impact on assumptions about police patrol for almost half a century. We identified the original official crime data from the KCPPE, and reanalyzed outcomes focusing on a comparison of the “proactive” versus “control” beats (“reactive beats” were criticized because of violations of treatment integrity); examining broad categories of crime (to increase statistical power); and using count regression models. Our findings are not unequivocal, but point to modest impacts of police patrol on crime in police beats.

Policy Implications

Our findings suggest that lessons drawn for half a century from the KCPPE need to be revisited. The KCPPE does not show that police patrol in large areas has no influence on crime, and this finding is consistent with several more recent studies. At the same time, we note that the effects of patrol in the KCPPE using our analysis strategy, and those found in other studies of preventive patrol in larger areas, are about half that found in hot spots policing studies. This suggests that police agencies ideally should invest in focused hot spots policing initiatives. However, absent an ability to manage such initiatives, or the crime analysis capabilities to identify crime hot spots routinely, simpler preventive patrol schemes to utilize uncommitted patrol time can be seen as potentially effective in preventing crime.  相似文献   
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997.
当前中国的行政体制改革,在推进行政审批制度改革、商事制度改革、政务公开、政府重大决策科学化民主化和法治化、政府工作的第三方评估和社会评价、公正有效地提供公共产品和公共服务、地方政府的权力和责任清单制度改革、公车制度改革、公务员职务与职级并行制度改革、贯彻中央八项规定深入反腐倡廉等十个方面,取得了显著进展。推及未来“,十三五”期间的中国行政体制改革将重点围绕推动简政放权、放管结合、优化服务改革向纵深发展,大力推行“互联网+政务服务”、推进政府信息化建设,推进大部制改革、优化行政层级和行政区划设置,推进事业单位制度改革,加快和加大力度建设“四个政府”,推进政府廉洁履职和反腐败斗争,坚决处理为官不为、克服庸政懒政怠政,推进国家治理体系现代化,提升国家治理能力,加快各项行政制度的更加成熟定型等十个任务展开。  相似文献   
998.
One of the most distinctive features of Ronald Dworkin’s egalitarian theory is its commitment to holding individuals responsible for the costs to others of their ambitions. This commitment has received much criticism. Drawing on Dworkin’s latest statement of his position in Justice for Hedgehogs (2011), we suggest that it seems to be in tension with another crucial element of Dworkin’s own theory, namely, its endorsement of the importance of people leading authentic lives – lives that reflect their own values. We examine this tension between responsibility and authenticity, and some strategies Dworkin does and could deploy to defuse it, which we think are unsuccessful. We then propose a solution for reconciling the demands of responsibility and authenticity, which is, so we claim, friendly to Dworkin’s fundamental commitments but which leads to a revisionist interpretation of the demands of equality of resources.  相似文献   
999.
Abstract

Domestic and international contests explain the transformation of Japan's foreign aid programme begun in the early 1950s. Through contests between domestic players, Japan has streamlined its aid processes by introducing institutional innovations, accommodating new actors in aid policy and delivery, and responding more sensitively to public opinion and independent advice. At the international level, contests have come from the Development Assistance Committee/Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development (DAC/OECD), the USA, and China. Through these contests, Japan has emerged as a more rounded aid donor. Its new aid model blends Western principles with concepts of ‘self-help’, favouring large infrastructure projects that serve both Japan's and recipient countries’ interests.  相似文献   
1000.
During the 1950s an Aboriginal mining cooperative in Western Australia's Pilbara attracted widespread interest as a model for addressing Aboriginal disadvantage throughout Australia. Individuals and organisations involved in the struggle for equal rights for Aboriginal people learned what they could of the ideology, operation and history of the cooperative, chiefly through the writing and speeches of its non-Aboriginal leader and spokesman, Don McLeod. They saw in the Pilbara cooperative a model of Aboriginal-directed change which contrasted markedly with the tutelary monocultural approach of individual “advancement” which characterised state and Commonwealth government assimilation policy at the time. The intense interest shown in the cooperative by the Victorian Council for Aboriginal Rights, in particular, provides evidence that throughout the 1950s campaigners sought alternative solutions to Aboriginal disadvantage to those proposed under assimilation policy.  相似文献   
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