论党的第三代领导对“西化、分化”问题的战略应对

十三届四中全会以后,以江泽民同志为核心的党的第三代领导集体,面对苏东剧变后西方敌对势力加紧对我实行"分化、西化"战略,审时度势,科学判断,站在战略的高度,正确评估和分析影响与特点,并就新的历史环境下如何应对敌对势力"分化、西化"问题进行了深入的理论思考与实践探索,取得了一系列新成果。     

论中国农地产权制度市场化改革的思想障碍

我国现行的农地产权制度安排是城乡两大利益集团博弈的直接结果.由于农民政治权力弱小又缺乏土地权益的法律保障,以任何借口阻挠农地产权市场化改革,都是为了维护城市既得利益集团的需要.目前,除了政府不肯轻易放弃廉价占用农民土地的经济利益之外,这一制度安排还得到了理论界一些权威人士的舆论支持.这些理论观点主要包括:应消灭一切土地私有制,土地集中兼并将导致农民两极分化、不利于兼顾土地的公平与效率、确保农民的基本生活保障与国家粮食安全,农地私有化将提高国家基础设施建设成本等等.因此,澄清理论界对于下一步深化农地产权制度市场化改革理论上的认识误区,具有重大的理论与实践意义.     

通过程序弥合知识的鸿沟——论科学证据对刑事审判的挑战及应对

由于裁判者所具备的知识基本属于常识范畴，而对科学证据的审判断则需要专业技术知识，这正是科学证据能够不断对刑事审判提出挑战的内在原因。两大法系应对挑战的共同途径即是以保障裁判的正当性为基本目标，通过程序的完善来弥合知识的鸿沟。我国刑事诉讼程序中存在的诸多弊端，已严重影响到全国大人常委会《关于司法鉴定管理问题的决定》的贯彻和执行。因此，应以保障刑事审判的正当性为目标，改革相关程序，完善我国的刑事鉴定制度。     

概括故意研究

概括故意是指行为人对于认识的具体内容并不明确，但明知自己的行为会发生危害社会的结果，而希望或者放任结果发生的心理态度。根据行为人认识的具体内容的不同，概括故意可以分为对行为认识不明确的概括故意、对行为对象认识不明确的概括故意以及对危害结果认识不明确的概括故意三种。对于概括故意的犯罪，应该考察行为人的客观行为及其结果，在概括故意的范围内按照主客观统一的原则予以认定。     

农村集体土地所有权制度：在理想与现实之间——兼评《中华人民共和国物权法》第60条

中国自古以来就是一个农业国家，土地历来是农民维持生计的基础，土地制度也就成为中国基本的经济制度，同时它在中国的法律制度中占有重要地位。由于种种原因，中国的农村集体土地所有权制度未能充分发挥其应有的制度效应，集体土地所有权还存在着种种弊端，直接影响了土地所有权功能的发挥。本文在分析和研究集体土地所有权的主体、主体类型及其选择的基础上，重新定位权利主体，并提出“从所有制层面上将集体土地所有权的主体确定为村农民集体；从所有权层面上将集体土地所有权的主体确定为村经济合作社”的基本观点。最後从宪法和物权法两个不同层次提出可供参考的立法建议，作为全文的归纳和总结。     

法律发展与法律知识化

法律发展首先必须面对合法化与价值诉求问题，而这一切又无不与作为基础的法律主体的知识立场密切相关。如何谋求“法律知识化”、话语合法化以及法律主体的价值立场的有效运作，是法律文明、有效发展的必要途径，也是法律发展话语摒弃规则主义弊端制约而建构自我所不可回避的挑战。从西方国家的经验看，现代法治的确立与以理性化为核心的法律知识化过程密不可分，法律知识化由知识对法律的关系提升、扩展为一种法律观，再由一种法律观落实为一种价值观、方法论，并由此引导法律主体追求和建设一种新的法律文明。更为重要的是，“法律知识化”使法治成为近代法律发展的本质性，把知识化原则导入法律发展领域，从而实现了法律发展的革命性变革。     

The effectiveness of NGO self‐regulation: theory and evidence from Africa

Non‐governmental organizations (NGOs) play an increasingly important role in public service provision and policy making in sub‐Saharan Africa, stimulating demand for new forms of regulatory oversight. In response, a number of initiatives in NGO self‐regulation have emerged. Using cross‐national data on 20 African countries, the article shows that self‐regulation in Africa falls into three types: national‐level guilds, NGO‐led clubs and voluntary codes of conduct. Each displays significant weaknesses from a regulatory policy perspective. National guilds have a broad scope, but require high administrative oversight capacity on the part of NGOs. Voluntary clubs have stronger standards but typically have much weaker coverage. Voluntary codes are the most common form of self‐regulation, but have the weakest regulatory strength. This article argues that the weakness of current attempts to improve the accountability and regulatory environment of NGOs stems in part from a mismatch between the goals of regulation and the institutional incentives embedded in the structure of most self‐regulatory regimes. The article uses the logic of collective action to illustrate the nature of this mismatch and the tradeoffs between the potential breadth and strength of various forms of NGO self‐regulation using three detailed case studies. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

集体记忆情境下的“80后”晒童年现象的社会学思考

80后晒童年现象是潮流回归和怀旧时尚的表现，暗示着80后即将逐渐担负起社会责任的开始，但是其中也或隐或显地潜藏着80后青年一代组织归属感和文化归属感缺失的征兆。“集体记忆”作为社会学中集体行动一种特殊的方式，应当引起各级决策者的重视，努力加强青年组织建设，增进青年的归属和认同感，各类新闻媒体要坚持正确的舆论导向，发挥健康的价值引导作用，推动青年亚文化向健康、活泼、高雅的方向发展。     

Building informal knowledge‐sharing relationships between policy makers and academics: Insights from a PM&C engagement project

This article outlines an innovative project to encourage knowledge sharing and engagement between academics and a policy team within the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet (PM&C). The project was designed to enhance policy advice by drawing on a group of academics outside the policy ranks to act as a sounding board, to question, and provide differing perspectives within the policy process of crafting advice to government. External expertise and particularly academic research has the potential to improve evidence‐based policy but often fails to be specific or timely for those at the “pointy end” of policy decision making. An informal knowledge sharing framework has the potential to improve the exchange of information through confidential and targeted conversations between researchers and public servants as one way of overcoming these barriers.     

Alternative South–South development collaboration? The role of China in the Coega Special Economic Zone in South Africa

Aid, in the form of financial aid and investment, has become increasingly prevalent in both bilateral and multilateral partnerships in the BRICS. In Africa, the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation provides the official framings for forms of development assistance to the continent, with financial forms of aid available through the New Development Bank and the China–Africa Development Bank (CADFund). This article explores how Chinese international development assistance has influenced South Africa's economic growth and development strategies and is reshaping South Africa as “gateway” to Africa and continental leader. Special economic zones (SEZs) have become a prioritised form of BRICS development collaboration particularly in terms of Chinese trade and investment expansionism into Africa through South Africa. Chinese international development assistance and foreign direct investment in South Africa in particular are very notable and have been strengthened during the Chinese official state visit prior to the Johannesburg BRICS Summit in 2018. The article critically analyses the development policy discourse on BRICS spearheading an alternative model of South–South international cooperation by examining the Coega SEZ in South Africa, hailed as the most SEZ in Africa. The article critically examines the development alternative potential of the Coega SEZ.