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131.
金海平 《河北法学》2007,25(9):99-103
由于制度的上优越性,合作社在国内外经济生活中扮演着重要角色,成为与公司、合伙等典型企业相区别的经济组织.但不同的是,合作社是具有社团性、非营利性、人合性和法人性的组织.一直以来,我国理论界对于合作社的性质问题难以达成一致.我国新出台的《农民专业合作社法》明确规定了合作社的性质,虽然可以在一定程度上消除理论上的混乱现象,该法并没有完全回答合作社的性质问题.  相似文献   
132.
Party politics and electoral research generally assume that party members are loyal voters. This article first assesses the empirical basis for this assumption before providing individual‐level explanations for defection. It combines prominent theories from party politics and electoral behaviour research and argues that internal disagreement and external pressure can each bring about disloyal voting. The hypotheses are motivated with multi‐country European survey data and tested on two sets of party‐level national surveys. The results show, first, that, on average, 8 per cent of European party members cast a defecting vote in the last election, and second, that dissatisfaction with the leadership is the strongest predictor of defection. Additionally, internal ideological disagreement is associated with higher probabilities of defection, whereas the effects of pull factors in the form of contentious policies are rather limited. These findings emphasise the importance of testing scientific assumptions and the potential significance of party leadership contests.  相似文献   
133.
How do political parties react to foreign security threats? There has been very little attention paid in the literature generally to how parties react to international events, particularly how parties react to foreign policy threats. Using data from the Comparative Manifesto Project, we examine how political parties in countries in Europe have reacted to Russian actions in terms of their emphasis on security issues. Based upon our analysis of the manifestoes from 331 parties in 36 countries we find that, generally, interstate threats have no significant effect on the military position adopted by political parties, although these effects vary by party type and by the type of threat. Russian based threats appear to be associated with the Far Left becoming more dovish (which is consistent with what would be expected by the literature) and the Far Right becoming significantly less hawkish.  相似文献   
134.
This article argues that a return to the history of progressive political thought can help us to think afresh about what a renewed centre‐left politics might look like today. The article identifies some significant aspects of this history that attracted little attention in earlier debates over the British progressive tradition—in particular, debates about social ownership, nationalism and distributism. This revisionist history of British progressivism points the way towards some common ideological ground that could provide a starting point for a new dialogue between different ‘progressive’ political parties and interests.  相似文献   
135.
A central tenet in the electoral systems subfield is that parties, when in power and motivated by partisan interest, seek desired outcomes via the strategic adoption of electoral rules. Such a focus, however, omits a key point: electoral rules also distribute power among geographic units. If, within a party, the partisan and geographic interests of some members conflict, then the canonical relationship between partisanship and rule choice may be conditional. The U.S. electoral college provides an opportunity to test for such intra-party variation, because it advantages some states over others and thus makes salient geographic allegiances. Using an original dataset on one reform proposal—the National Popular Vote Interstate Compact (NPVIC)—I find evidence of competing loyalties. Although NPVIC advances furthest when Democrats control state lawmaking, a state's status as a swing—but not as an overrepresented—state weakens the relationship to the point where even Democrats are unlikely to aid NPVIC.  相似文献   
136.
Since the 1980s, Western Europe has experienced the surge of populist radical right parties. In an attempt to ward off these electoral newcomers, established parties have pursued strategies of disengagement, such as exclusion and de-legitimisation. This study examines the electoral effects of an excessive form of de-legitimisation, which we label ‘demonisation’. We estimate the effects of demonisation on electoral support for the Dutch Freedom Party (PVV) and its predecessor Groep Wilders. Time series analyses show that demonisation has a negative effect on electoral support, but only for Groep Wilders. Once the populist radical right party has made a successful entry into the party system, demonisation does not have its intended consequences.  相似文献   
137.
警察院校大学生预备警官的特殊身份,决定了其廉政意识教育尤为重要。廉政意识教育是一个系统工程,需要建立科学的长效机制,文章着重从建立适合警察院校特点的学员思想政治工作管理体制、建立符合警察院校学员特点的教育体系和不断完善警校学员廉政意识教育的监防体系方面进行了探究。  相似文献   
138.
营造感恩气氛,培养感恩意识,学会感恩,并不是要做付出与所得的价值交换,而是要更懂得尊重和珍惜。深化感恩的层次,强化感恩意识。①教会学生识恩、知恩。②教会学生知恩图报。③教会学生施恩不图报。拓宽感恩途径,实践感恩。感恩教育不仅要让学生识恩、知恩,更重要的是要学生报恩、施恩,养成感恩的品德和行为习惯。  相似文献   
139.
公安院校是培养警察的摇篮,公安院校大学毕业生是警察的主要来源,因此,公安院校大学生的素质直接影响到警察队伍的整体素质.心理健康对公安院校大学生成才具有重要意义,警察职业的特殊性要求公安院校大学生必须具有健康的心理.但是当前,公安院校大学生的心理健康状况并不令人乐观.因此,全面提高公安院校大学生的心理素质,加强心理健康教育,努力提高公安院校大学生的心理健康水平,已成为我国公安院校刻不容缓的重要任务.  相似文献   
140.
城市基层党建存在社会参与不足、合作治理乏力的现实困境.基层党组织如何通过空间治理路径促进整体性党建发展,实现共建共治共享社会治理格局是当前基层党建创新的重要议题.通过构建"结构—过程—绩效"分析框架,从上海市J街道党建空间治理实践入手,探究空间治理实现整体性党建的实现机制.从而发现,党组织、政府组织和社会主体的多元行动...  相似文献   
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