Australia's Political Institutions and the Corruption of Public Opinion1

This article explores structural causes for the decline in the quality of Australia's political and policy conversations. Three are nominated. The first concerns the changing role of the major party organisations. These no longer contribute to agenda setting; they are no longer forums for activist and interest mobilisation; they no longer mobilise and cue a mass base. The second structural change concerns the rise in the role of the media. This is now the primary bridge between the formal political system and the surrounding society, a role for which it is singularly ill‐equipped. The third change concerns the misalignment between the formal political system and Australian society. The formal system was formed in the early twentieth century when Australian society was broadly divided by class allegiance. Those days are long gone. Class has decomposed. A variety of new concerns differentiate and pluralise social attitudes. Possible remedies are then discussed.     

中国经济结构演进的动因探讨

推动中国经济结构不断演进的主要动力来自三个方面:政府主导的渐进式制度变迁;以技术创新、技术引进和技术扩散为主要内容的技术进步,以及深刻变革的国内国际分工体系。因此,中国经济结构半个多世纪以来一直处于不断调整的非均衡状态。     

论“联俄制日”外交的形成及其对《中俄密约》的影响

19世纪末，面对日本对中国的侵略，李鸿章等人秉承“以夷制夷”的外交思想，采取了“联俄制日”的外交政策，即利用俄国和日本在华利益冲突，使之彼此制约，以达到抵制日本侵略、保护自己的目的。但是，由于清政府的腐朽，“联俄制日”不仅没有达到“制日”的目的，反而被俄所利用，同俄国签订了《中俄密约》，为俄国扩大对华侵略打开了方便之门。     

"有数量限制的行政许可"的立法解读及其适用

本文以利益衡量原则为指导来分析《许可法》第57条,试图达到以下三项目的:第一,以学界的共识—第12条第1项属于无数量限制的行政许可,第12条第2项属于有数量限制的行政许可—为前提,通过探讨”行为许可概念的性质来重新界定“有数量限制的行政许可”概念的法律内涵,指出“行为许可的有数量限制性”不必然导致“有数量限制的行政许可”。第二,以法律概念体系的逻辑一致性要求为检验标准,以新的“有数量限制的行政许可”概念为分析工具来探讨第57条的适用事项范围,并解决相应的逻辑矛盾。最后,以前述的分析为理论背景,为第57条的法律适用提出建议。     

预防跨国腐败犯罪对策研究论要

在预防跨国腐败犯罪的具体制度建设层面各国有所不同。结合本国国情进行预防跨国腐败犯罪制度研究,必须重视两方面的制度建设:一是完善本国立法,二是借鉴别国经验。     

浅议高校效益审计

市场经济条件下，审计工作愈来愈独显其防腐功能。高校是当今社会稳定的重要组成部分，完善高校内部审计功能不仅仅是内部财务控制腐败的手段，更是提高财务运行质量化解财务运行风险的有效途径。     

反腐倡廉建设的传统文化瓶颈及应对措施

传统文化作为政治体制背后的因素影响着政治行为。官本位思想、送礼文化、关系文化、人治思想等一些传统文化中的消极观念严重阻碍着反腐倡廉建设的深入推进，成为反腐倡廉建设亟待突破的“瓶颈”。我们要从影响反腐倡廉建设的传统文化观念着手，营造有利于反腐倡廉建设深入推进的廉政文化环境。     

Strengthening Green Global Governance in a Disparate World SocietyWould a World Environment Organisation Benefit the South?

The debate on the advantages and disadvantages of upgrading the United Nations Environment Programme to a 'world environment organisation' (WEO) has gained momentum in both academe and politics. This article contends that a WEO would further the interests especially of developing countries, because it would provide them, first, a high-level forum to unite their individual bargaining power against the major industrialised countries. Second, a WEO would assist Southern efforts to garner international support for environmental programmes in regions and sectors that are increasingly bypassed by economic globalisation. Third, a WEO would create a locus to politically institutionalise the influence of non-governmental lobbyists in a way that increases the balance of opinions and perspectives. The article then addresses special challenges and caveats for developing countries in the upcoming negotiation process, in particular whether an upgraded UNEP would address only 'global' issues, thus absolving the international community from assisting developing countries in mitigating the more pressing local environmental issues in the South; whether the new body would have powerful sanctioning mechanisms, which might disproportionally affect developing countries; and what decision-making procedures the new body would have.     

人格理论视角下的宽严相济刑事政策

宽严相济的刑事政策是党和国家在建设社会主义和谐社会过程中提出的刑事司法政策,在贯彻过程中应当注重与建设和谐社会的背景相适应,调动一切积极因素打击和控制犯罪.为此,我们应当结合人格刑法理论,在定罪、量刑与行刑时,充分考虑行为人的人格,抛弃传统的刑罚万能观念,该宽则宽,该严要严,二者结合,充分发挥刑事政策的作用.     

贪污罪量刑基准体系的构建及回归分析

根据刑法规定,通过贪污罪的犯罪结果与处刑数量之间的线性关系,把定量分析方法应用于贪污罪的处刑实践,并依此建立了贪污罪的量刑基准体系,以准确确定被告人应当承担刑事责任的数量,以减少司法实践中法官个体之间对贪污罪行为处刑的差异。