全球化对中国特色社会主义道路选择的双重意蕴

全球化是一把双刃剑,给中国特色社会主义的发展在经济、政治和文化等方面既带来挑战又带来机遇,对中国特色社会主义道路选择具有重要意义和价值。     

THE ANTI-CORRUPTION STRUGGLE IN XI JINPING’S CHINA: AN ALTERNATIVE POLITICAL NARRATIVE

The fact that the extensive anti-corruption struggle that has consumed China since 2013 is highly political is widely accepted and understood. But the question is precisely what political strategy it is directed at – that of bolstering the position of the current supreme leader, Xi Jinping. Or for the preservation of the Party itself. There is a huge difference between these. The first simply means in effect the replacement of one corruptible elite by another. The second means a titanic struggle to change the Chinese communist party culture of power, and to make it enduring and sustainable.     

论高等学校实施性别教育的价值取向与可能性

以建构高等学校德育和专业人才综合素质培养的社会性别向度、彰显性别理论学术研究、规范高等学校性别知识体系建设、将性别教育纳入高师教育主流体系、加强对高等学校实施性别教育的教育行政管理为主要目标；以建构社会性别发展性高等学校德育模式、在高等学校人才培养方案中建构社会性别理论通识教育、在教师教育中实施社会性别意识教育为主要措施，发挥高校教育在促进性别平等发展中的积极作用，将是促进高校教育公平和消除性别歧视的有益探索。     

Peace-building and business elites in Guatemala and El Salvador: explaining the discursive ‘institutional turn’

ABSTRACT

The local business elites of El Salvador were generally in favour of the peace agreement and supported its negotiation and implementation in 1992, while in Guatemala the private sector reluctantly supported the peace process and, after the peace agreements were signed in 1996, the private sector sought to obstruct parts of its implementation. In the aftermath of the peace accords, business elites united around an ideology espousing a minimal state and a focus on market solutions to social problems. Although welcoming the security-related measures in the peace accords, business elites have often obstructed transformations towards more inclusive and democratic societies. However, in recent years there has been a change in discourse among influential business associations towards recognition of the need for strong state institutions and the need for institutionalised mechanisms for dialogue to find solutions to social problems. In this article, we seek to shed light on the significance of this discursive turn for continued peace-building.     

“不依法给付行为＂之判决适用研究——基于《行政诉讼法》第11条第1款第6项的展开

我国《行政诉讼法》第11条第l款第6项是行政给付进入诉讼救济的规范基础，但是因其就给付形态的规定过于模糊，导致当事人救济中获得的判决形式不明。将“不依法给付行为”作动态解释，它可以分为“消极不依法之不给付、少给付行为”、“积极不依法之不给付、少给付行为”以及“不依法之完全给付行为”，相应地分别对应履行判决、撤销判决和确认判决。     

专家参与刑事司法的多元功能及其体系化

从1979年刑事诉讼法颁布至今,专家参与我国刑事司法的制度功能变得开放而多元。专家制度功能的多元化,根源于刑事司法的三重逻辑:弥合法律人与专家之间知识鸿沟的“认知逻辑”;落实公检法机关“分工负责,互相配合,互相制约”原则的“权力逻辑”;保障当事人合法权益与实现控辩平等的“权利逻辑”。从结构主义与整体主义的视角看,当前,刑事专家制度存在明显的体系化缺陷,主要表现为专家制度过度权力化、专家制度功能尚未结构化、专家制度不够规范化。改进刑事专家制度,应当采取体系化路径:首先,将多元专家参与模式调整为鉴定人与专家辅助人二元专家模式;其次,彰显专家制度的“权利逻辑”,矫正过度权力化倾向;最后,构建系统化的专家制度,为专家服务刑事司法创造制度条件。     

履行迟延的合同解除规则释论

针对主给付义务的履行迟延,符合我国《民法典》第563条第1款第3项、第4项的构成要件即可解除合同。符合我国《民法典》第563条第1款第3项之情形,直接落入“主要债务”的文义射程。合同解除法上的广义附随义务囊括了传统“债法上之义务群”中的狭义的附随义务与从给付义务,只有迟延履行广义附随义务不符合合同目的,方落入“主要债务”的射程,此时需将“主要债务”进行目的性扩张解释。在履行迟延中,应将我国《民法典》第563条第1款第4项作目的性限缩解释,并可采用类推适用违约损害赔偿的可预见性规则予以适用。就合同目的不能实现之判断,以公式来表明,即为“重大违约(需结合个案判断)+并非债务人订约时不可预见或不可认识(当事人主观标准+理性人标准)=合同目的不能实现”。可预见性的判断时点为合同订立时。不能实现合同目的的举证责任原则上由主张根本违约之一方当事人负担,但在如合同已明定给付日期等无争议之重要事项之场合,当事人无需负担举证责任。履行迟延中的合同解除权之发生不以债务人的可归责性为必要。在解释上,应当认为我国《民法典》第563条第1款第3项适用于非定期行为,我国《民法典》第563条第1款第4项适用于定期行为。关于相对的定期行为之成立,除有“履行期日严守”要件之外,还须结合合同目的予以判断。     

中国特色社会主义理论向实践转化的评估体系的构建

构建中国特色社会主义理论向实践转化的评估体系,是有针对性地推进马克思主义中国化时代化大众化的现实需要,也是保证和提升马克思主义中国化时代化大众化的实践路径与制度创新研究的客观需要。     

马克思主义中国化的比较研究

马克思主义中国化的关键之处就是立足解决中国问题,既要符合马克思主义的基本原理,又要有理论创新。多视角研究马克思主义中国化,对于在新的历史时期更深刻地认识马克思主义中国化具有重要的意义。     

PAKISTAN’S CRISIS OF GOVERNANCE AND THE RESURGENCE OF TERRORIST VIOLENCE SINCE AUGUST 2016

Fifteen years since joining the US-led anti-terrorism coalition, Pakistan’s response to the challenges of terroristic violence and extremist indoctrination and propaganda remain military-centric and kinetic. Since August 2016, after a brief lull, Pakistan has experienced a resurgence of terrorist activity and violence that has struck all of its provinces and placed its capital on high alert. The re-escalation in the level of terrorist violence began with the August 8, 2016, attacks in Quetta, which left over 70 dead and more than 100 injured. The lack of response from the provincial and federal governments to this carnage, led the Supreme Court of Pakistan to exercise its authority under Article 184(3) of the Constitution and establish an Inquiry Commission to examine the state of the investigation and report on the challenges faced in the struggle against terrorism and extremism. This inquiry assumed the form and substance of an audit of the performance of Pakistan’s institutions and exposed the link between the country’s crisis of governance and its incoherent response to terrorism and extremism at all levels of government. The implications of the inquiry report are both broad and deep, and reveal that Pakistan’s trajectory remains that of civilian administrative breakdown and institutional exhaustion. This indicates that Pakistan’s civilian-military balance continues to shift in structural terms in favour of the latter and that beneath a veneer of constitutional democracy, the arbitrary, unwise, and inefficient, exercise of power by the political class continues to hollow out the country’s administrative institutions.