The W***D C*P of 2*1*: FIFA's intellectual property rights in South Africa

Legal context: This article focuses on the relationship between trade markrights and other forms of statutory protection. Key points: FIFA is the proprietor of a number of trade mark registrationsin South Africa. The strength of these registrations is discussedand the view taken that a number are open to attack, in termsof both distinctiveness and user requirements. It is then shownthat, if statutory protection is given for the same words andphrases, the weaknesses of the trade mark registrations willbe avoided. Practical significance: The article serves as an illustration of the manner in whichinternational sporting bodies attempt to extend their IP protectionbeyond the bounds of existing legislation.     

论非政府组织与联合国关系的现状及改革前景

作为一种有别于国家和政府间组织的第三类国际行为体,非政府组织与联合国之间已经建立起紧密的联系机制。非政府组织通过提供咨询、参与联合国会议、执行和监督联合国决策等方式,在联合国体系内发挥着日益重要的作用。但是,非政府组织这一新生的民间组织力量的合法性如何、其影响力应当如何发挥等问题,则引起国际社会的诸多争议。以何种方式将非政府组织纳入联合国改革的框架内,是近些年学术界密切关注的焦点。     

我国农村基层组织建设和集体经济产权改革探究——以“党家村现象”为例分析

随着我国农村各项改革的进一步深入,农村集体经济组织产权归属不清和基层组织体制的不适应性所造成的农村改革滞后的现象越来越明显."党家村现象"背后的体制及由体制所引起的产权问题,对我国农村基层组织建设和集体经济组织的产权改革有一定的启示.     

我国社会组织政策参与及其制度分析

在现代社会,以社会组织为载体的参与是比公民个人直接参与更为合理有效的政策参与途径。由于我国社会组织自身能力有限以及制度空间的挤压,目前其对于政策的影响只起有限的作用。当前我国社会组织政策参与主要存在政策参与率较低、政策参与内容的非政治化和途径的非制度化等问题。针对导致社会组织政策影响力低的制度因素,政府应为社会组织的发展创造能促型的法律、制度与政策环境,即构建"分类管理、项目引导、行为监管"的新管理模式、制定出台社会组织基本法以及进一步转变政府职能、拓宽社会组织政策参与的渠道等。     

社会组织管理体制:地方政府的创新实践

本文从中央与地方这一空间维度审视地方政府创新实践及其对我国社会组织管理体制改革的推动作用。在当前中央社会组织管理体制改革的进展背后,存在一轮如火如荼、方兴未艾的地方政府创新实践,这些地方实践各有特色,并经过相互竞争和学习,在管理目的、理念、主体等方面形成一些共同取向。对创新的动力进行分析发现,各地的创新探索既非社会需求自下而上的压力驱动,亦非源自中央自上而下的指示和动员,而是地方党政领导思想解放、主动创新的结果。本文认为地方创新有力地推动了中央层次的社会组织管理体制改革进程,具体而言有三种机制,即改革预期包围、改革意志传递和改革备选政策供给。     

赣州发展社会组织提升基本公共服务效能建设研究

赣州由于经济相对落后,尽管社会组织已经有了一定的发展基础,并拥有加快其发展的现实条件和成功案例,但新形势下,面对基本公共服务发展的新要求,存在一些制约社会组织发展的因素,需从理念定位、制度安排、机制构建及实践着力点等层面,探究社会组织在提供基本公共服务中的重要作用,以推动和谐赣州的发展。     

A Stone’s Throw from the Metropolis: Re-Examining Small-Agency Homeland Security Practices

Police agencies nationwide have enhanced their homeland security preparedness capacity since the 9/11 attacks. Evidence suggests that departments have not uniformly adopted measures to prepare for and respond to critical incidents. Rather, larger agencies are more likely than their smaller peers to take such steps. Small agencies do not constitute a homogenous group; some experience geographic isolation while others are near major metropolitan areas. Unclear is whether small agencies (25 or fewer full-time sworn personnel), those that are commonly found to be less prepared, benefit from proximity to large-agency peers. This study examined whether physical and relational proximity to large departments contributed to homeland security preparedness in over 300 small departments. A structural equation model revealed that interactions with large agencies facilitated preparedness but physical proximity had no direct effect. Increasing geographic isolation from large-agency peers indirectly affected preparedness by stifling the level of inter-department interactions.     

社区治理视野下的社区民间组织发展——以珠海为例

本调研小组通过实证调查的方式发现并分析了当前珠海市社区民间组织存在的问题,其中包括社区居民对社区民间组织了解程度不高,社区民间组织提供的服务内容不均衡,缺乏政府支持以及社区民间组织的参与率不高等。在此基础上提出应以彻底落实"社区本位"的社会管理体制改革的思路为基础,以社区居委会为平台,多元化地拓展对社区民间组织的政策和资金扶持的渠道,创新调动社区居民参加社区民间组织潜在动力的实际措施,建立社区民间组织宣传机制,扩大社区民间组织影响力,让社区居民更加了解社区民间组织。     

关于机关党组织加强执政能力建设的思考

新世纪、新阶段党的执政能力建设面临新的挑战和考验。机关党的建设直接关系党的执政能力建设,机关各级党组织要适应执政的需要,明确加强党的执政能力建设的根本要求、核心内容和具体要求,结合机关的实际,大力拓展机关党组织加强执政能力建设的新途径,切实把加强党的执政能力建设贯穿于思想、组织、作风和制度建设的各个方面和全部过程,不断推进党的建设新的伟大工程。     

Linking democratic anchorage and regulatory authority: The case of internet regulators

Scholars and practitioners have repeatedly questioned the democraticness and the authority of transnational multi‐stakeholder organizations, especially those that regulate the internet. To contribute to this discussion, we studied the “democratic anchorages” and the regulatory authority of 23 internet regulators. In particular, we conducted a fuzzy‐set qualitative comparative analysis assessing whether and which anchorages correspond to necessary and/or sufficient conditions for exerting regulatory authority. Our results show that strong anchorage in democratic procedures is specifically relevant for this outcome. Further, we find that weak anchorage in democratically elected politicians leads to high regulatory authority, confirming the significance of non‐state actors in this policy field. More generally, our findings support but also qualify expectations about the compatibility and mutual reinforcement of democratic quality and regulatory authority at the transnational level.