20世纪80年代“第三梯队建设”战略决策的历史考察

1980年代初，中共中央从保持党的执政地位、国家的长期稳定及加快社会主义现代化建设出发，作出关于第三梯队建设的战略决策。这一过渡性人才选拔培养战略，至80年代末随着其使命的完成而退出历史舞台。尽管它存在的时间不长，但其产生的影响却极为深远。     

我国基于横切分裂的多元协商民主模式——以十八大代表结构为例

近年，国内学界对协商民主模式颇为关注，众多学者对这一模式的起源、定义、发展趋向等方面进行了大量研究，但很少注意到：协商民主模式的有效运作必须以一国内部不同群体之间的横切分裂为基础；这一模式内部包含多元参与；其有效运作必须以一国内部经济、宗教、语言、民族、意识形态等方面的非两极化为前提。协商民主模式的发展必须注意多元参与和运作前提等等。对中国共产党÷八大代表结构变化的分析可以判断出：我国正在完善多元协商模式，而且，这一模式将有效维护我国政治、经济和社会的稳定。     

理性对待企业社会责任——兼评我国《公司法》中的企业社会责任条款

通过对我国《公司法》中的企业社会责任条款的实证分析表明,企业社会责任不是空洞的宣言,它的价值理念蕴涵在《公司法》中,通过相关的条款予以体现.对企业社会责任不应该只进行纯理论性的法条解读,有必要将其与实体意义上的惩罚权联系起来,做到理性的对待企业社会责任,以推进企业社会责任在我国的实施.     

论侗族建房仪式与仪式歌

侗族在建房过程中要举行两大仪式:其一是新房落成庆典;二是开财门仪式。过去由于人们对这两大仪式的文化涵义理解不够,所以对产生于两大仪式中的仪式歌未予以重视。为帮助人们理解侗族两大建房仪式与仪式歌的关系,本文将从分析侗族两大建房仪式的文化涵义入手,以揭示其内在的联系。     

浅论一人有限责任公司的立法完善

我国2005年10月27日第十届全国人民代表大会常务委员会第十八次会议通过了对公司法的修正案。修订后的《公司法》顺应了世界立法潮流,首次明确承认了一人有限责任公司的法律地位,并对其设置进行了相应规范,从而使实际存在的一人公司受到了有效的法律规制,但其仍然有进一步完善的空间。     

The More Assertive and Pragmatic New Energy Policy in Putin’s Russia: Security Implications for Northeast Asia

The article examines Russia’s New Energy Policy (NEP) and its impact on Northeast Asian security and the development of the Russian Far East. In contrast to analyses highlighting competition between China and Japan for Russian resources, to the contrary it is argued here that greater cooperation among consumer states in Northeast Asia would be beneficial for Russia. Although the NEP has resulted in changes in the composition of foreign investors in Russian energy projects, the author suggests that Moscow is interested in multinational cooperation in the energy sector because it would help diversify the regional energy market and contribute to the development of the Russian Far East and eastern Siberia.

论全心全意依靠工人阶级根本指导方针的现实意义及其实现途径

全心全意依靠工人阶级是我们党的根本指导方针.为什么要坚持这一方针以及如何坚持这一指导方针,是我们在建设有中国特色的社会主义过程中必须搞清楚的问题.     

国有投资公司治理结构的特点研究

国有投资公司的治理结构,不仅仅包括法人治理结构,而且还包括所有者治理结构等内容;国有投资公司虽然与其他国有企业相比有其特殊性,但它又有着其他国有公司企业相同的改革任务;国有投资公司是国有资产管理体制改革中的产物,它的形成在很大程度上是为了解决国有资产管理体制中的问题,同具有不同于其他企业的某种改革性功能.国有产权的委托代理制应该建立在市场经济基础上,不要用党组织的组织法及政府的行政方法构建国有产权委托代理制.     

Peace education in Israel: an educational goal in the test of reality

Peace education is considered a necessary element in establishing the social conditions required for promoting peace-making between rival parties. As such, it constitutes one of Israel’s state education goals, and would therefore be expected to have a significant place in Israel’s educational policy in general and in response to peace moves that have occurred during the Arab–Israeli conflict since the 1970s in particular. This article reviews the educational policy actually applied by Israel’s state education over the years as reflected in formal educational programs and school textbooks, and suggests that although some significant changes have taken place over time, there has been and still is a significant gap between the stated goal and the practice of peace education in Israel. Reasons for this disparity and its implications are discussed and possible directions are proposed for coping with this educational challenge.     

‘I do not have the means to speak:’ educating youth for citizenship in post-conflict Liberia

Although policymakers stress the importance of education in promoting peace, little research examines the ways that schools prepare students affected by conflict to participate in the restoration of peace in their political community. Post-conflict societies experience severe challenges in strengthening political processes and social cohesion. This paper discusses citizenship education at a school run by a non-governmental organization near Monrovia, Liberia, examining the implemented curriculum in an 8th grade civics classroom. The paper details the ways that young people expressed civic critiques within the classroom, and provides a counterstory to narratives of harsh and violent educational environments in the region. This classroom was a space where students and their teacher engaged in talk about contentious issues: students discussed corruption and injustice, and highlighted the relationship between economic and political power. I argue that if the goal of education is to produce engaged, effective citizens, teachers should have pedagogic support to confront the differences between the implemented curriculum and students’ lived experiences. Peace education in such contexts must include equipping students to seek justice. Furthermore, because possibilities for civic education are embedded in students’ local and national contexts, current global civic education initiatives must be adaptive to local realities.