透视复合罪过的心理机制

复合罪过是对传统的犯罪主观心理状态理论的一个新的探索。作者运用类型学方法论来分析和论证这一提法的合理性和科学性,并从认识的模糊性,意志的缺失性,情感的矛盾性等特征透视复合罪过的心理机制。     

论刑法学中的人身危险性

人身危险性一词发源于19世纪中后期的刑事实证学派,也就是近代学派。人身危险性最早是犯罪学上的术语,后来逐渐也成为刑法学上讨论的热点。就我国目前的刑事立法来看,刑法学上的人身危险性仅指再犯可能性,但是随着该理论的深入研究和发展,初犯可能性被纳入到刑法学上必将成为一种趋势。评估人身危险性我们所要考虑的因素包括犯罪人基本特征、犯前表现和犯后表现,而不应包括犯中情节。人身危险性在刑法上的功能也日趋突出,分别表现在定罪、量刑和执行上,尤以执行最为显著。加强人身危险性的研究,对于建立和完善我国的保安处分制度也有重大的理论和现实意义。     

复合身份政治:西亚大国参与阿富汗安全事务的三重维度

“阿拉伯之春”爆发以来,西亚伊斯兰大国土耳其、伊朗和沙特阿拉伯(简称“沙特”)形成了复合身份。教派争端导致三国在西亚地区的战略博弈阵营化;阿富汗弱政府、强社会的权力结构使三国的战略博弈代理人化。作者提出“复合身份政治”概念,认为土耳其、伊朗和沙特以三重身份参与阿富汗安全事务。从族群和教派身份看,土耳其与阿富汗北部乌兹别克人和土库曼人等突厥语族群形成特殊关系;伊朗与中部哈扎拉人和塔吉克人形成特殊关系;沙特与南部普什图人形成特殊关系。从区域身份看,土耳其借助突厥语国家委员会,伊朗借助经济合作组织,沙特借助伊斯兰反恐联盟,三国在“向东看”过程中分别将阿富汗纳入各自主导的多边机制,形成了制度均势。从全球身份看,土耳其以北约的名义参与在阿富汗的军事行动,伊朗加入上海合作组织,沙特利用伊斯兰合作组织,三国与世界大国形成了议题联系。复合身份政治使土耳其、伊朗和沙特构筑相互交错的次体系,稀释了世界大国主导的阿富汗问题安全倡议,阿富汗安全格局由“多极”走向“多中心”。     

金融危机背景下政府投资法价值取向初探

面对我国政府投资的社会现实,透析复杂自适应性社会系统基础可以发现,政府投资在我国所扮演的角色已远远超出公共物品提供及国民经济发展＂引动水＂的角色。本文探讨了政府投资角色多元与社会多层次效用期待背景下的法律应然价值取向,提出了在公共利益价值取向指引下的可量化价值标准。     

论我国自主创新文化建设

自主创新的内外系统具有不确定性和复杂性。由于系统复杂性和文化嵌入性,没有主体的创新实践和没有文化的创新主体皆不存在,自主创新生成于社会文化建构。创新文化类型、层次与具体内容各方面均内涵丰富,其建构旨在建设融合＂责任心、宽容心、自信心、恒心＂的创新文化支撑体系。自主创新文化建设的路径选择在于主体、制度、教育、科学精神、传统文化等层面进行系统推进,从而在根本上实现＂尊重创新、鼓励创新、向往创新＂的社会文化转向。     

我国刑事司法制度中的卸责机制——以法院和法官为中心

由司法行为带来的责任包括法律责任、政治责任、道德责任等,这些责任在不同主体之间流动。司法规律和司法体制塑造了将责任汇集于法院最终由法官个人承担的责任分配体系。成为归责中心的法院和法官往往将自身压力往他处转移,形成以法院和法官为中心向四周其他主体扩散的卸责机制。卸责的手段主要有诉诸权威、规则依赖、对外转移和集体承担等。从机构层面看,法院通常将责任转移给检察机关和上下级法院;在个人层面上,法官则将责任转移给合议庭其他法官、陪审员、审判委员会以及被告人本人等。司法责任制改革在落实如何追责的前提下应当探索构建合理的卸责机制。相比于遇到瓶颈的“实体控制模式”,发挥程序功能对责任进行转移分担的“程序控制模式”效果更加显著且更易被法官所感知。     

A New Regional Cold War in the Middle East and North Africa: Regional Security Complex Theory Revisited

Since the 2003 Iraq war, the Middle East and North Africa has entered into a New Regional Cold War, characterised by two competing logics: on the one hand, the politicisation of sectarianism opposing a Saudi-led Sunni bloc against an Iran-led Shia bloc and, on the other, an intra-Sunni cleavage around the mobilisation of political Islam, embodied by the Muslim Brotherhood and its supporters vs its opponents. Blending Buzan and Weaver’s regional security complex theory with Donnelly’s notion of ‘heterarchy’ and applying it to the cold wars the region has experienced, the similarities and differences between the Arab Cold War of the 1950s/60s and the New Regional Cold War reveal the increasing number of heterarchic features within the regional security complex: multiple and heterogeneous power centres, different power rankings, a more visible and relevant role of non-state and transnational actors, and the fragmentation of regional norms.     

Asymmetric alliances and high polarity: evaluating regional security complexes in the Middle East and Horn of Africa

Abstract

The Middle East and the Horn of Africa exist in two distinct regional security complexes (RSCs), groupings of states exhibiting intense security interdependence within a distinct region, but rarely between regions. Recent geopolitical changes and related analyses, however, point to either a subsuming or a joining of the two RSCs, potentially leading to a high degree of uncertainty in two conflict-prone regions. Given the importance of such developments, we question this theory of RSC expansion by offering a concise review of recent security interactions between the two RSCs as well as quantitatively and qualitatively measuring the material power capabilities of relevant states. Borrowing from and contributing to RSC theory, we also identify and analyse concepts and indicators such as threat perception and sub-regional alliances. Our findings demonstrate the Middle East RSC is not expanding to include that of the Horn of Africa. The two remain distinct and under internal consolidation, despite the current discourse. Rather, high polarity in the Middle East coupled with often-congruent interests in Horn of Africa states best explains the current pattern of their interaction, particularly as Middle East states pursue strategies that further their own security interests at the expense of rival states within their own RSC.     

Motivational dilemmas in collaborative learning activities: The case of the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA)

Complex social and environmental problems—such as climate change, rural poverty, and over‐fishing—defy simple policy solutions. An increasing number of scholars, practitioners, and policy makers now agree that coming to grips with such problems requires more collaborative and adaptive forms of learning and decision‐making. Such approaches seek to involve a variety of stakeholders to learn about system‐level effects of past human decisions and adapt future management decisions to the lessons learned. While there are plenty of success stories at the local level, the collaborative learning approach has turned out to be difficult to implement at broader scales—in large public organizations and in society at large. This article provides an explanation for such shortcomings, arguing that the creation of collaborative learning systems is plagued by several motivational dilemmas. By systematically mapping out the institutional incentives of the potential participants in collaborative learning activities, it is argued that one can gain a better understanding of the likelihood that adaptive systems will actually work. These ideas are tested on the case of the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida). It is found that most Sida staff face conflicting incentives to engage in collaborative learning, but there are opportunities for management to strengthen such incentives. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

解放思想与西部发展——写在实施西部大开发战略十周年之际

国家实施西部大开发战略使西部的方方面面都获得了迅速发展。但与此同时,西部同东部地区在发展中的差距仍在不断拉大。本文分析了东西部发展差距的主要原因,认为决定发展的一系列“硬件”（如资金、基础设施、自然环境、科技实力、资源、能源等）的差别是西部与东部地区在发展中存在差距的主因;而决定发展的一系列“软件”（如决策、发展战略、思想观念等）的差别是西部与东部在发展中差距拉大的主因。据此,本文从对西部干部队伍在思想观念方面存在的问题剖析人手,提出了西部地区要改变落后面貌必须进一步解放思想,敢于实现跨越式发展的若干意见。