全文获取类型
收费全文 | 931篇 |
免费 | 43篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 30篇 |
工人农民 | 11篇 |
世界政治 | 8篇 |
外交国际关系 | 13篇 |
法律 | 532篇 |
中国共产党 | 10篇 |
中国政治 | 51篇 |
政治理论 | 64篇 |
综合类 | 255篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 6篇 |
2022年 | 7篇 |
2021年 | 8篇 |
2020年 | 9篇 |
2019年 | 12篇 |
2018年 | 17篇 |
2017年 | 19篇 |
2016年 | 9篇 |
2015年 | 13篇 |
2014年 | 27篇 |
2013年 | 58篇 |
2012年 | 70篇 |
2011年 | 62篇 |
2010年 | 55篇 |
2009年 | 76篇 |
2008年 | 80篇 |
2007年 | 87篇 |
2006年 | 91篇 |
2005年 | 78篇 |
2004年 | 80篇 |
2003年 | 41篇 |
2002年 | 31篇 |
2001年 | 12篇 |
2000年 | 13篇 |
1999年 | 8篇 |
1998年 | 2篇 |
1997年 | 1篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有974条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
21.
通过对中国法学自1978年以来26年间的这一个时代的批判,邓正来提出了一种以社会秩序的建构及其正当性为核心问题的中国法律哲学观,其任务是建构一种"中国法律理想图景".以"中国法学向何处去"为主题的系列论文,不仅强调了世界结构是这种法律哲学观的历史性条件,还隐含着建构"中国法律理想图景"必须考虑的三类正义问题. 相似文献
22.
Yongwook Ryu 《The Pacific Review》2018,31(5):655-672
Why do conservative nationalists in Japan continuously seek to revise the constitution despite the past failures, and what is the likelihood of successful revision and its impact on Japan's norm of pacifism and its use of force? The article offers an analytical framework for the issue based on national pride and national security, and argues that the ‘revisionists’ seek to create a new national identity, one that infuses a greater sense of national pride among the public and enables the exercise of collective self-defense, thereby removing Japan's postwar psychological and institutional limitations on nationalism and military activities. The LDP's 2012 draft is most explicit and ambitious in this regard, with the current revision attempt under Abe having the highest chance of success since the 1950s. Successful revision would significantly expand Japan's security activities, particularly within the framework of the US–Japan Security Alliance, and entail the end of Japan's unique postwar institutionalized pacifism, although the norm of pacifism will linger on as a constitutional principle. For a smoother return to the international military scene, the Japanese government must distance itself from historical revisionism and utilize its enhanced military role to promote regional public goods rather than merely protecting its narrow national interests. 相似文献
23.
In this Special Section, this article reviews South Korean views on Japan's ‘peace’ Constitution and the Abe government's attempts at constitutional reform. It identifies three different understandings among South Korean academics on why Japan is escalating attempts to revise the Constitution under the Abe government. An in-depth analysis demonstrates that all three perspectives pay specific attention to Japan's constitutional reform in relation to security policy changes. However, they differ in assessing the impact of Japan's constitutional reform on South Korea as well as how South Korea should deal with such a change. A minority opinion considers Japan's ‘remilitarisation’ through constitutional revision as conducive to South Korean security interests by increasing deterrence against North Korea, whereas the dominant opinion is that any attempt to revise the Constitution could be in and of itself a potential threat to South Korea's security due to a lack of trust attributed to unresolved historical conflicts between Korea and Japan. However, all three approaches pay hardly any attention to the positive role of Japan's peace Constitution while Japan's peace Constitution might provide a regional peace model in Northeast Asia. 相似文献
24.
Matthew Woessner Kathleen H. Winters Kyle C. Kopko 《Journal of Political Science Education》2017,13(2):225-238
Undergraduate public law courses often attract students with competing expectations. Some students enroll in these courses to prepare for law school, while others enroll in the courses to gain a broader understanding of courts in the American system of government. These differing student constituencies can create a dilemma for instructors. A course designed to cater to students with a general interest in the judiciary may not afford prelaw students with an appreciation for the demands of the legal profession. Conversely, a course narrowly tailored toward prelaw students risks alienating the majority of students for whom this class may be their only look at the judiciary. As a means to promote pedagogical balance and to appeal to varied student constituencies, we profile five public law simulations in this article that engage students in active learning and promote a greater understanding of law and courts. 相似文献
25.
Jasmine-Kim Westendorf 《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2018,12(2):228-252
This article investigates whether a ‘light footprint’ approach to peacekeeping and peacebuilding by the international community more effectively addresses local drivers of conflict than the dominant model of large, multidimensional peace operations. It considers international engagement in the Nepalese peace process through the United Nations Mission in Nepal (UNMIN), and argues that the international community’s approach to local ownership became more focused on non-imposition and therefore less politically engaged over time as a result of both local and international factors. This facilitated local elite ownership of the process, which fundamentally undermined the international community’s capacity to support peace consolidation as elites moved away from key transformational pledges of the peace settlement. 相似文献
26.
赵海军 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2012,26(1):76-78
社会保障权是公民在年老、疾病或者丧失劳动能力的情况下,国家和社会给予物质帮助的权利.社会保障权既是社会权利、经济权利,更是宪法权利、基本权利.确立社会保障权的宪法地位对于发挥其保障作用尤为关键. 相似文献
27.
Nesrine Badawi 《Third world quarterly》2016,37(11):1990-2009
AbstractThis paper calls for comparative analysis of international humanitarian law and Islamic laws regulating armed conflict by focusing on the underlying assumptions and interests informing both systems (rather than on rule-based comparison). It argues that examination of the biases inherent to each legal system can potentially inform scholars to understand better the paradigms shaping each of them. In doing so, the paper builds on contextual and critical interpretations of both fields of law to assert the need for ‘critical comparativism’ rather than functionalist comparativism. Unlike functionalist comparativism, which treats international law as the ‘objective’ benchmark against which other legal traditions are measured, ‘critical comparativism’ treats the two legal systems examined as alternative manifestations of power structures which, when contrasted against each other, help shed more light on the inherent bias in each legal system. 相似文献
28.
This paper examines the power to prorogue (or suspend) Parliament following the 2019 prorogation controversy in the UK. We outline the legal basis of prerogative-based prorogation, survey its uses in the UK and other Westminster systems, and compare it with equivalent rules in other European parliamentary democracies. The comparative perspective highlights the outlier status of the UK among comparable European democracies. In the UK, the absence of explicit legal limits on the use of prorogation gives the executive exceptional scope to employ the power for political purposes to sidestep Parliament. We conclude by discussing the implications of these findings for current discussions about the desirability of reforming the UK’s prorogation rules and placing express legal limits on the executive’s power. 相似文献
29.
王仰文 《广西政法管理干部学院学报》2007,22(4):11-15
政权与财产权有着严格的差异和密切的联系,二者在互动演进中促进了社会的前进和发展.政权与财产权的结合与分离对社会经济政治的发展有着深刻的影响,改革进程深入的中国只有在实践中实现政权与财产权适度分离,才能为宪政中国的早日实现铺平道路. 相似文献
30.
王江松 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2007,21(6):10-15
需要一种中介和桥梁,把马克思主义的普遍真理和中国工会的具体实践连接起来,把马克思主义的世界观、价值观和方法论,与工会学、劳动关系学等具体的有关工人阶级和工会的社会科学连接起来。劳动哲学就是这样一种中介和桥梁。 相似文献