The Combet Case and the Appropriation of Taxpayers' Funds for Political Advertising – An Erosion of Fundamental Principles?

This article contains a critical discussion of Combet v The Commonwealth (2005) and the reasons given by the High Court in that case, for dismissing the legal challenge to the present government's political advertising campaign in support of its Workchoice legislation which was conducted before the publication or enactment of that legislation. It also deals with the implications of the case for the declining significance in modern times of the parliamentary appropriation process as a means of ensuring the accountability of governments for the expenditure of taxpayers' funds. The article concludes with a discussion of the possibility of future parliaments (regardless of their political complexion) reasserting their control over the appropriation process and restricting the use of government advertising for political purposes.     

建立刑事源流电子学派的构想

刑事源流电子学派以犯罪与刑事法学的经纬问题为研究对象而组建 ,主要以涉源、涉流、涉界、涉边、涉新等五涉课题 (即高难新课题 )为己任。“源”主评析继承 ,“新”主吸养创新 ,以对源流的时间研究为纵轴 ,以对界边的空间研究为横轴 ,强调分门别类甚至有相互冲突的法律问题 ,在一定时空范围或层面上的相互联通、整合和一体化。     

Federal or Unitary? The Power-sharing Debate in Sri Lanka

ABSTRACT

Sri Lanka’s power-sharing debate is focused on the labels ‘federal and ‘unitary’. A recent Judgment of the Supreme Court recognising the fluidity of these terms, and a creative reform proposal defining Sri Lanka as a ‘aekiya rajyaya/orumitha nadu’, present opportunities for consensus. Yet there are also powerful obstacles, including the virtual collapse of Sri Lanka’s coalition government and exclusivist nationalist ideologies. Regardless of the outcome of this round of reform, however, reformers must focus on the political if Sri Lanka is to ever reach a just and equitable solution to the ethnic conflict.     

紧急状态入宪的宪法学思考

把“戒严”改为“紧急状态”成为 2 0 0 4年修宪的焦点之一。本文从五个方面对紧急状态入宪进行宪法学思考 :紧急状态的内涵和外延比戒严更能反映社会现实的宪法要求 ;将戒严修改为紧急状态是宪法职能转变的标志之一 ;紧急状态入宪使得国家紧急权具有正当性 ;紧急状态入宪整合了我国现有法律体系中的各项具体紧急状态立法 ,为制定《紧急状态法》提供了宪法依据 ;紧急状态入宪丰富了宪法秩序的内涵。     

Parity,Power and Representative Politics: The Elusive Pursuit of Gender Equality in Europe

In recent years the concept of parity democracy has rapidly risen up the European political agenda. Using a threefold typology of sex-quotas, this article undertakes a classification of the measures taken by the 15 old E.U. member states to improve the gender balance in representative assemblies. This is then used as the basis for an exploration of the advantages and disadvantages of the parity approach as a tool to promote gender equality, including the constitutional obstacles which stand in its way. The article goes on to present a comparative study of several national systems in which attempts to achieve parity democracy have been pursued, concluding that, in order to maximise their effectiveness, parity measures must operate within a system of unbiased political structures and be properly adjusted to suit the particularities of individual national electoral regimes.     

The Fragility of Law: Anti-Jewish Decrees,Constitutional Patriotism,and Collaboration Belgium 1940–1944

In October and November 1940, the German Military Command which ruled conquered Belgium, introduced a series of measures aimed at the identification and exclusion of the Jews of that country. The Belgian government of the day refused to allow the measures to be incorporated into Belgian law, but did permit, under their reading of the Hague Convention, government departments and local administrations to assist in implementing the German anti-Jewish Decrees. The Brussels Bar, Prosecutors and Court of Cassation refused to accept the authority of the Occupier to violate basic rights guaranteed under the Belgian Constitution. Officials in Antwerp, on the other hand, struck all lawyers identified as "Jews" from the Roll. This article examines these instances of "constitutional patriotism" and "constitutional betrayal" by these actors in the Belgian legal system, and offers some preliminary discussion of important questions about our historical and current understandings of legality, legitimacy and citizenship in light of this part of the Belgian experience of law under Nazi occupation. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.     

宪政文化在近代中国的发展及其启示

根深蒂固的传统文化中心主义和"富强为体、宪政为用"的实用理性主义使近代中国的宪政建设多了几分曲折与坎坷。宪政的先声———自由主义的有效性在进入中国之初就潜伏着问题,这些问题消解了它的真正内涵,导致了一种文化上的误读。中国只有传统文化与宪政文化有机结合,才能结出幸福之果。     

宪法监督制度及其完善——《监督法》草案有关宪法监督制度缺位之思考

2002年8月底首次提交人大审议的<监督法>草案,标志着人大对"一府两院"监督的法制化和规范化,但其仍然还有许多议题未获得明确和解决;其中宪法监督制度的缺位就是一大遗憾.建立宪法监督机构本应是<监督法>的首要解决问题,如果监督法回避这个问题,就不能起到其应有的作用,究其原因主要为,如果在人大内设立一个专门委员会,就会出现一个理论上的矛盾,当权力机关自身违宪,这个委员会该怎么处理.按照现行宪法的规.定,专门委员会不能对权力机关实施监督,也不能对违宪问题作出处理.同时,如果在全国人大之外或之上设立这样的机构,显然有违现行体制,原因在于人大本身就是负责监督宪法和法律实施,怎么可能在其之上或之外再设立一个机关?笔者以为,宜在我国设立全国人民代表大会领导下的与人大常委并列的宪法监督委员会,实施宪法监督职能;在三者职权划分上,全国人民代表大会仅负责宪法的制定、修改与废除以及其他立法之外的职能,其他立法职能委托全国人大常务委员会执行;全国人大宪法监督委员会负责实施宪法监督.     

U.S. CLS

This essay offers a brief account of the rise of cls thought in the United States and of its development within a largely hostile legal academy. As the essay suggests, cls thought has been variously deformed, arrested, normalized, and diffused – leaving the contemporary American legal academy in a state of suspended animation. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.     

法学研究如何学术——学术史方法的重申

当下中国法学研究学术性不强的原因主要在于法学研究者自身,因此需要将视线转向学术本身。基于学术史方法是学术最基本方法的判断,可以发现中国法学研究学术性不强的原因在于学术史方法的缺失,这使得中国法学研究中的学术性与非学术性混淆不清;法学难以确立自己学科的独立地位;法学研究中引证混乱并难以发挥学术评价功能;法学研究中学术传统西化倾向严重。而当代中国法学研究学术性完善之路在于:实用标准与学术标准的适度分离,确立学术的独立性与学术评价的独立标准;增强对学术重要性的认识;加强学术史意识,强化学术规范;自觉推动法学学术传统的中国化。学术性、学术史方法并不是我们对法学研究的更高要求,而只是提醒我们在法学研究中首先要回到学术研究的基本方法然后再谈其他方法。