全文获取类型
收费全文 | 237篇 |
免费 | 0篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 14篇 |
工人农民 | 1篇 |
世界政治 | 1篇 |
外交国际关系 | 3篇 |
法律 | 142篇 |
中国共产党 | 1篇 |
中国政治 | 12篇 |
政治理论 | 10篇 |
综合类 | 53篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 1篇 |
2019年 | 4篇 |
2018年 | 2篇 |
2017年 | 1篇 |
2016年 | 3篇 |
2015年 | 3篇 |
2014年 | 2篇 |
2013年 | 17篇 |
2012年 | 21篇 |
2011年 | 12篇 |
2010年 | 8篇 |
2009年 | 12篇 |
2008年 | 21篇 |
2007年 | 23篇 |
2006年 | 28篇 |
2005年 | 31篇 |
2004年 | 26篇 |
2003年 | 10篇 |
2002年 | 7篇 |
2001年 | 4篇 |
1999年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有237条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
51.
宪政:中国的困境与出路——梁漱溟宪政思想研究 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
本文述介梁漱溟先生关于宪法与宪政的基本看法 ,特别是他从不同人文类型的观照中对于中国模仿、移植西方宪政的困境的分析 ,有关中国走向宪政之路的思虑 ,同时并述及各种政治力量对此所作的反应 ,指出在中国近代百年宪政思潮中 ,梁漱溟宪政思想的特立卓越处。 相似文献
52.
Ohiocheoya Omiunu Ifeanyichukwu Azuka Aniyie 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2013,20(3):365-392
ABSTRACTIn the current dispensation of civilian rule in Nigeria (1999–present), her subnational governments (SNGs) have increasingly been engaging in economic activities which impact on how Nigeria conducts her international economic interactions. This emerging trend is at variance with the existing legal provisions under the 1999 Nigerian Constitution, which preclude SNGs from this policy space. This article examines the evolution of the constitutional framework for SNG involvement in Nigeria’s foreign economic relations since independence. It is the argument in this article that the exclusion of SNGs from foreign affairs under the 1999 Constitution is a departure from the original configuration at independence. It is further argued that the recent episodes of SNG involvement in international economic activities are occurring despite the constitutional restrictions owing to external factors such as globalisation and internal factors such the growing need among SNGs to find alternative ways to fund their economic development objectives. 相似文献
53.
我国现行民事诉讼制度是以保护民事主体的民事权利为中心构建起来的。赋予检察机关民事公诉权,由检察机关作为(权利主体抽象、或者说缺位的)国家利益、社会公共利益、公众利益的代表,参与民事诉讼,具有坚实的法理基础与宪政基础。 相似文献
54.
Aileen McHarg 《The Modern law review》2008,71(6):853-877
The Governance of Britain Green Paper continues the programme of constitutional reform begun in 1997, and appears to reinforce the juridification of the UK's constitution. Nevertheless, several key reforms will be implemented not by legislation, but by creating new conventions. This article argues that such ‘declared’ conventions are best understood as a form of constitutional ‘soft law’, which attempt to influence constitutional behaviour rather than generating binding norms. Applying a regulatory analysis, it then argues that the case for a soft, rather than hard law approach to constitutional reform is weaker than its widespread use in the UK suggests. Finally, the article challenges the thesis that the political constitution is being replaced by a legal constitution, arguing that the government's attitude to constitutional reform still exhibits basic characteristics of political constitutionalism. Moreover, there is more to contemporary constitutional developments than a bipolar contest between political and legal constitutionalism. 相似文献
55.
论我国检察权的性质——定位于法律监督权的检察权 总被引:18,自引:0,他引:18
我国检察权的本质属性应为法律监督权,对检察权“行政权说”提出质疑。法律监督权是一元的而不是多元的,对全部检察职能都可以作出法律监督权的解读。法律监督权的理论基础是分权制衡论,宪政基础是人民代表大会下的“一府两院”制及宪法对检察机关性质的界定。 相似文献
56.
Gerardo L. Munck 《Democratization》2016,23(1):1-26
Works on the quality of democracy propose standards for evaluating politics beyond those encompassed by a minimal definition of democracy. Yet, what is the quality of democracy? This article first reconstructs and assesses current conceptualizations of the quality of democracy. Thereafter, it reconceptualizes the quality of democracy by equating it with democracy pure and simple, positing that democracy is a synthesis of political freedom and political equality, and spelling out the implications of this substantive assumption. The proposal is to broaden the concept of democracy to address two additional spheres: government decision-making – political institutions are democratic inasmuch as a majority of citizens can change the status quo – and the social environment of politics – the social context cannot turn the principles of political freedom and equality into mere formalities. Alternative specifications of democratic standards are considered and reasons for discarding them are provided. 相似文献
57.
Federalism has been discussed as a potential system of governance in many countries, but in some it has failed to take shape. This has been the case in Nepal and, to a certain extent, in Italy. In fact, in Italy the federal option was rejected at the time of Risorgimento, and constitutional reforms in the 2000s never transformed the country into a federation as desired by political actors such as the Northern League despite some decentralization. In Nepal, the 2007 interim constitution specified that the country would be federal, but the first Constituent Assembly elected to write a new constitution was unable to produce a federal map acceptable to the major political parties and the second is wrestling with the same issue. In both cases, federal structuring was attacked by political actors who argued that it could promote disunity, undermine solidarity, and possibly lead to disintegration. This article argues that the idea of federalism held by prominent political actors as promoting division and conflict played strongly against its implementation. 相似文献
58.
曾哲 《西南政法大学学报》2012,14(3):15-24
清末洋务工业化运动,由于落后生产关系与相对先进生产力的悖离,在经历了半个多世纪折腾后最终归于沉寂,被世界誉为"亚洲第一雄厂"且为大清帝国第一家股份制改制企业的汉冶萍钢铁煤联营公司仍然难逃倒闭破产的厄运。缘何自近代洋务始的国有企业均易短祚而亡,一直为学术界所重。清末政治精英与商务精英们共同创设了汉冶萍公司,但由于其晚清帝国近代化先天准备不足和基本政治制度的宪政缺失,在西方列强武力与资本裹挟的双重夹击中崩俎。本文意欲以汉冶萍为范例,寻绎晚清民族自强求富与变法救国宪政缺失的内在原因。 相似文献
59.
宪法作为国家的最高法规范,不仅拘束国家公权力,而且随着国家功能的变迁以及现代宪政理念的发展,已经超越传统领域,对社会生活的所有领域都发挥法律效力。由于宪法是由不同特性、不同形态的具体规范所组成,每一具体宪法规范法效力的实现在方式和程度都并不尽相同,需要根据具体规范的性质和表现形式予以判断。 相似文献
60.
罗斯特的宪政独裁理论是为了解决现代民主宪政国家所具有的如何在维护宪政和民主原则的同时,又能成功应对危机这一可怕的悖论。他提出合宪的政府也可以是独裁的政府的理论,是对以美国为代表的西方国家解决危机的传统理论的反动,也与法西斯的独裁理论迥然不同。他的理论是对罗马共和时代以及世界上四个主要民主宪政国家———美、英、法、德应对危机的制度经验的总结,具有深刻的历史基础。为防止独裁权力滥用问题,他设计了宪政独裁的11项标准。罗斯特的理论适应了现代社会发展的需要,对世界许多国家的危机立法产生了重大影响,对我国紧急权力法制化也有启示意义。 相似文献