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31.
In this paper, Ken Booth's concept of strategic culture is drawn on to examine India and Pakistan's nuclear policy options/policies. The thrust of the argument is that the perceptions of India and Pakistan's strategic insecurities as interpreted by their security managers, through the prism of their strategic cultures, have, in conjunction with material, domestic and technological factors, defined their nuclear trajectories. In framing the argument, although appreciative of the material (realist) realm, attention is drawn simultaneously to the inter-subjective (constructivist) realm, namely, that productions of insecurities are also ‘cultural’. This constructivist line of analysis, which draws attention to culture ‘as both a source of insecurity and an object of analysis’ in international relations, has implications on the future of a nuclearized South Asia.  相似文献   
32.
中国环境权理论的认识论研究   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
中国目前的各种环境权理论都没有达致认识主体间的理解、交往和商谈。二十世纪末期的环境权理论具有建构主义的倾向,二十一世纪初的环境权理论不仅具有现实主义的倾向,而且更为符合中国精英的“自然主义认识论”倾向。当下中国语境中主张“现实主义者的建构主义认识论”的理论家们试图在一个弱势的自然主义基础上个体性和群体性地建构中国环境权的公共话语。  相似文献   
33.
This article proposes a new interdisciplinary perspective in international relations (IR). It suggests that contributions from perception studies can help us reconceptualize some elements of IR. Specifically, the article takes up the concept of Gestalt and applies it to European integration. The Gestalt laws and phenomena demonstrated by European integration can be identified in other examples of regional integration, as well as in various international organizations, or alliances. They also provide insight into other features of IR, such as the international order. The Gestalt approach per se may contribute to the development of a psychological constructivist theory of IR.  相似文献   
34.
建构主义学习理论既强调学习者的认知主体作用,又不忽视教师的指导作用。建构主义学习理论教学设计是与学生的学习环境相适应的全新的教学设计;与建构主义学习理论教学设计范式相适应的目前已开发出的、比较成熟的教学范式为:支架式教学、抛锚式教学和随机进入教学。  相似文献   
35.
传统大学生思想政治教育的弊端仍然没有完全摒弃,大学生思想政治教育工作的路径和形式仍有探索的空间。以建构主义理论为指导加强大学生思想政治教育,可以改变以往以教师为中心、以灌输为主的教育形式,符合大学生思想政治素质的形成规律。  相似文献   
36.
    
This article offers three arguments outlining the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank's significance and to help policy planners navigate the complex relationship between China, the Bank and themes of sustainability. First, there is little uncertainty that China is serious about development and sustainability. The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank is but one extension of China's increasing commitment to sustainability and should therefore be embraced by development stakeholders. Second, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank's commitment to infrastructure development complements other multilateral development banks and should not be considered a challenger to the existing order of development lending practices. Rather, China's interest in establishing the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank points to competitive pluralism and poses no threat to the existing international order. Finally, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank's sustainability guidelines are not unique and fall in line with similar policy of other large development banks. The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank therefore reinforces sustainability norms while posturing itself as a partner for development.  相似文献   
37.
    
Over the past two decades, International Relations scholars have highlighted the importance of efforts by hegemonic states and norm entrepreneurs to foster norm clarity when promoting the establishment, institutionalisation, and internalisation of norms. Yet, such analyses obscure the benefits of norm ambiguity in facilitating consensus, flexibility, and compliance. The authors offer a framework positing that hegemonic and institutional ambiguity can help create consensus and facilitate incremental reform necessary to sustain that consensus. Empirically, the authors then show how such ambiguity has facilitated the development of the responsibility to protect norm, tracing Rwanda-era debates over humanitarian intervention, Iraq-era backlash over interventionist abuses, and Libya-era norm implementation.  相似文献   
38.
    
《Asian Politics & Policy》2018,10(1):100-114
The India–Pakistan conflict, one of the oldest unresolved interstate conflicts in the world, began in 1947 and has shown no signs of abating. Both realist and constructivist interpretations have offered several differing explanations as to the roots and persistence of this conflict. The article argues that a realist‐constructivist approach as suggested by Samuel Barkin provides a new and better angle for explaining the genesis, evolution, and persistence of the India–Pakistan conflict, in addition to allowing prediction of future developments. Importantly, realist‐constructivism combines several different analytical dimensions: It looks at the way in which power structures affect patterns of normative change in international relations and, conversely, the way in which a particular set of norms affects power structures. Both these dimensions have been overlooked as variables that can explain why it will be difficult to come up with lasting solutions for the India–Pakistan conflict.  相似文献   
39.
    
This opening article presents rationales for the Special Section which analyses South Korea's debates and discourses on crucial issues related to East Asian regional politics. The article opens with a consideration of why attention is drawn to South Korea and particularly to its discourses. Expanding upon constructivist theoretical insights, this article shows how they matter in foreign policy-making and state behaviour. In addition, the article clarifies the scope of analysis of this Special Section. While recognising that many different actors and issues shape the regional order in East Asia to varying degrees, we hold that the most direct impact on changes and/or continuity in that order comes from state actors in the realm of security (or the security–economy nexus). The article ends on a cautiously optimistic note: although the perspectives and discourses analysed in this Special Section are not exhaustive, the analysis can serve as a useful reference point for discussion that seeks to advance our understandings of how South Korea is likely to behave toward its neighbours and what the future of the East Asian regional order will look like.  相似文献   
40.
世界贸易组织及其机制在继承和发展的过程中,逐渐形成为国际法律体制中最成熟的部分,但是,其谈判机制存在的大国权力导向,致使它在规范和争端解决领域对于发展中国家的意义值得怀疑。这种国家与市场互动的倾向不仅不符合国际经济关系的伦理要求,也没有达到规则导向的目标。应当在对事实分析的基础上以建构主义的思路促动贸易制度变革,强化伦理的意蕴,确立规范的力量,使得国际经济体制朝向良性、持续发展。  相似文献   
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