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861.
童爱农 《北京市工会干部学院学报》2014,32(4):20-26
党的十八大报告,是夺取中国特色社会主义新胜利和全面建成小康社会的纲领性文件,是代表人民、为人民谋利益的政策指南。报告就实现好、维护好、发展好工人劳动者的积极性和创造性方面重申和提出了许多方针和政策性要求。改革开放30多年的实践中,我们在依靠工人阶级方面也出现了一些杂音和问题。贯彻落实党的十八大报告精神,必须坚定不移地贯彻宪法,切实落实工人劳动者的主人翁地位;必须进一步贯彻党的"依靠"方针,更好地形成"劳动光荣"、"尊重劳动"、落实工人劳动者合法权益的良好社会环境,积极推进工人劳动者逐步实现自身的现代化;同时还要重视和发挥工会组织代表维护工人劳动者合法权益的职能作用,使党的工人政策真正落在实处。 相似文献
862.
Johan Engvall 《后苏联事务》2014,30(1):67-85
Why are public offices for sale in Kyrgyzstan? To address this question, this article attempts to set out a new logic for understanding the motives, nature, and consequences of corruption in the country. Rather than securing access to a single favor through bribery, officials invest in political and administrative posts in order to obtain access to stream of rents associated with an office. Political and administrative corruption is organically linked in this system, and corruption stems not so much from weak monitoring as from being a franchise-like arrangement, where officials are required to pay continuous “fees” to their bosses. The key is to be the public official influencing the redistribution of rents as well as participating in the informal market where “public” goods are privatized and exchanged for informal payments. Thus, instead of control over the pure economic assets of the state, influence over the state's institutional and organizational framework is the dominant strategy for earning and investing in the country. 相似文献
863.
Michael Rochlitz 《后苏联事务》2014,30(2-3):89-114
To what extent are Russian state agencies involved in predatory behavior, and what are the determinants of their activities? Analyzing a novel data-set comprising 312 cases of illegal corporate raiding (reyderstvo) between 1999 and 2010, this article identifies a shift both in the regional and sectoral distribution of raids over time, as well as an increasing participation of state agencies in criminal raiding attacks. Using panel regression analysis to look at the determinants of increasing state involvement, this article shows that election results for the ruling president and his party, as well as the degree to which elections are manipulated throughout Russia's regions, are significantly and positively correlated with the number of raids in a given region, while regions with governors that have stronger local ties are characterized by a smaller number of attacks. A potential interpretation of these findings is that the federal center may tolerate a certain degree of predatory activities by regional elites, as long as these elites are able to deliver a sufficiently high level of electoral support for the center, with the effect being weaker in regions where the governor is interested in the long-term development of the regional economy. 相似文献
864.
Chris Waterman 《Local Government Studies》2014,40(6):938-953
Abstract Since the establishment of the tri-partite system of state education after the Second World War, the once simple relationships between central government and local government and the individual school have become increasingly complex. This article considers the key governance issues for schools and colleges in England and how they have been affected by the redistribution of power between central government and local government. The principal foci are the main legislative changes and the impact they have had on the respective powers and responsibilities of central government, local government and schools and colleges. The radical developments since the formation of the coalition government in May 2010 have accelerated the shift of power to central government from local government and by the end of the first term of the coalition the local authority will have little more than a vestigial role in the provision of secondary education and a diminishing role in primary and special education. As academy status becomes the norm (as it already is for secondary schools in some authorities) central government will be dealing directly with autonomous schools and academy chains. With more schools directly employing staff and with funding levels set nationally, the pattern and nature of public education will have been irrevocably changed. 相似文献
865.
Camilla Orjuela 《Third world quarterly》2014,35(5):753-769
Corruption is a major problem for populations in various parts of the world. This article argues that to understand the problems and dynamics of corruption, we need to understand how discourses and practices of corruption (and anti-corruption efforts) are intertwined with the construction and contestations of identity. Identity politics is a salient feature in peaceful political struggles, as well as in contemporary armed conflicts, which are often characterised by the politicisation of collective identity (ethnic, national, religious) for the violent pursuit of power. The article outlines and discusses four ways in which identity politics and corruption intersect. First, it points to the often blurred lines between private and collective benefit from corruption, revealing the implications of group identity for how corruption is conceptualised. Second, it shows how corruption may exacerbate grievances along identity lines. Third, it highlights how corruption can be used strategically in identity-based conflicts. Finally, it explores how corruption may encourage cross-ethnic solidarity and mobilisation that defy conflict divides. 相似文献
866.
Daniel Jordan Smith 《Third world quarterly》2014,35(5):787-802
Based on anthropological field work in southeastern Nigeria, this paper explores the public concerns and everyday experience of corruption in a society still living with the legacies of the Biafran secession attempt. The paper shows how the revival of Igbo nationalism and resentment over perceived marginalisation is fuelled by perceptions that the corrupt machinery of the federal government runs against the interests of the Igbo people, and funnels resources away from the southeast as punishment for the failed separatist struggle more than 40 years ago. Hence, complaints about corruption are used to critique the Nigerian state and other regional or ethnic groups, but they also figure in an internally focused critique by Igbos of their own complicity in Nigeria’s endemic corruption. 相似文献
867.
Kim F. Hall 《Women & Performance》2013,23(2):169-180
This essay examines the competing readings of food refusal that emerged from a student hunger strike held at Columbia University in fall 2007. The invisibility of the act of food refusal forces hunger strikers to adopt performance strategies that make their (non)action visible as protest. To make the politics of their food refusal legible, advocates for the hunger strike promoted their actions as part of a 40 year tradition of student protest. However, that same invisibility allowed the protest's detractors to deride the hunger strikers as anorexic. At the center of the protest and the commentary about it was a wasting female body that confused for spectators the line between the political and the pathological. Attention to this body raises questions of how community is created and disciplined through performative acts, how easily female protest is evacuated of political meaning and the uneasy role of whiteness in popular attention to anorexia. 相似文献
868.
苏卫东 《吉林公安高等专科学校学报》2007,22(1):99-103
关于刑法因果关系出现了不同的理论学说,各种学说的实质是一样的,但判断标准却是模糊的,并表现出了较强的主观性,但这在一定的历史条件下无疑又是合理的。因此,我们有妊要对刑法因果关系理论的共同性进行深入的剖析。 相似文献
869.
柯健 《吉林公安高等专科学校学报》2007,22(4):23-27
舆情预警是公安机关正确决策、化解矛盾、维护稳定的重要前提。改进舆情监测工作,健全网络舆情预警机制,是构建社会主义和谐社会的必然要求。网络舆情预警机制是一个系统工程,公安部门需要做好舆情规划、舆情收集、分析处理、舆情预警四个环节的工作,把网络舆情信息汇集分析作为重点,同时利用先进技术作为保障。对于公安新闻的处理,公安机关可通过互联网平台与网民直接沟通来解决。 相似文献
870.
林志伟 《吉林公安高等专科学校学报》2007,22(3):29-31
交通警察日常执法活动是各级公安交通管理机关面向广大交通参与者最直接的执法行为,近几年交通警察在执法过程中合法权益经常受侵害,有公安交通管理机关自身原因,也有外部执法环境以及立法上的原因。维护交通警察正常的执法活动和合法权益,创建一个和谐的交通执法环境,要尽快健全和完善相关法律法规;进一步完善交通警察的教育培训机制;提高交通警察执法综合素质;广泛开展交通安全宣传教育,积极创造和谐的社会交通环境。 相似文献