Political Sociology of International Interventions: Peacebuilders and the Ground

ABSTRACT

This special issue, instead of questioning what effect peacebuilding interventions have on post-conflict societies, analyses what the ground of intervention does to peacebuilders. It demonstrates that everyday interactions on the ground shape the interveners and even the scope of their missions. We delineate how a political sociology approach might break away from binaries (‘internationals/locals’) and, instead, illuminate processes (of internationalization and localization). We intend to offer a political sociology of the ‘intervention encounter’, that is, to scrutinize the everyday interactions among peacebuilders and between peacebuilders and domestic actors, and to investigate effects of the ground on peacebuilding organizations, doctrines and decision-making processes, as well as on peacebuilders’ trajectories, positions, professional practices and representations. In fine, we explore how peacebuilders’ relations to the ground structure the socio-professional field of peacebuilding.     

台湾日据时期现代文学期刊：对抗与规训的纠葛

在日据时期台湾现代文学的发展过程中,文学期刊为台湾作家提供了发表园地,对台湾文学的发展起到了重要的推动作用。媒体是文学的外围,是文学传播的重要环节,可以将其作为日据时期台湾现代文学的文化背景来解读。在此时期,进步媒体传播民主理念和思想,成为民主启蒙运动的载体。同时也有一些对殖民当局进行协力的文学期刊社团存在。日据时期台湾文学反殖民和追求社会进步的历程,在某种意义上可以说是媒体角力与媒体抗争史。     

对"被就业"说"不":民法视野下的救济之道

大学生“被就业”现象的出现，是各种利益背后博弈的结果。虽为无夺之举，却也掩盖不了其违法本质，在涉嫌就业率欺诈的同时，尚构成对受害大学生姓名权、就业自主权等权利的侵犯，需追究相关责任主体的民事责任。     

社会运动工会主义的形成和发展 ——非洲工会的发展历程及其在劳动雇佣管制中的作用

在“一带一路”倡议中，非洲国家不可或缺。非洲国家工会的发展可以分为 3 个阶段，即殖民 时期、独立运动后初期及政治民主化转型时期。非洲工会发展与政治斗争密不可分，这也决定了其社会运动工 会主义的“激进”特性。现在非洲工会力量普遍薄弱，一方面是由于经济自由化导致了正式经济中的大量失业 和工会成员人数的急剧下降，另一方面是因为许多非洲国家政府对劳动法的改革，在承认工会合法地位的同时 又极大限制了工会行动。虽然非洲工会在劳动雇佣管制中的作用有限，但是当发生严重侵犯工人权利的行为时， 非洲工会仍然会通过组织工人罢工、静坐等形式来进行反抗。研究建议，对于在非投资的中资企业来说，要更 加关注东道国的工会运行情况，充分尊重员工的权利，加强与工会的沟通，提升员工的归属感。     

利益诉求的表达与消解 ：一项关于“外卖小哥”劳动过程的调查研究

从事送餐服务业的“外卖小哥”已成为当前城市劳动者中不容忽视的重要社会群体,基于一项对“外 卖小哥”的调查研究,探讨了其劳动过程状况及利益诉求表达行为的特征。研究表明：“外卖小哥”的劳动强 度较大且劳动保障并不完善,在绩效工资制度下,他们会“自愿”增加劳动强度以实现更多的劳动获得;在与 雇主或顾客发生冲突时,他们更多是选择“隐忍”方式以消解冲突;劳动保障、劳动强度、劳动报酬及劳动认 知等劳动过程因素都会对其利益诉求表达产生影响,生活稳定、劳动报酬及劳动保障较好、劳动认知积极的“外 卖小哥”会弱化或消解利益诉求的表达。在互联网经济下,“外卖小哥”在雇主与顾客之间,已由“服务 - 消费” 链条紧密的捆绑在一起,他们的劳动过程状况与其劳动心态及行为特征紧密关联在一起。因此,不仅需要重视“外 卖小哥”的劳动权益保障,更需要关注其劳动过程中的劳动心态。     

Leaderless Resistance and the Loneliness of Lone Wolves: Exploring the Rhetorical Dynamics of Lone Actor Violence

“Leaderless resistance” and “lone wolf terrorism” are concepts that have steadily gained importance in the study of oppositional subcultures and terrorist groups, being used to describe the operational realities of a variety of terrorisms, from groups like Al Qaeda to Anders Breivik. In this article, I seek to describe leaderless resistance as a rhetorical construct, a meaning-conferring “ideology of effervescence” that lifts the spirits of both movement progenitors who advocate the strategy as well as incipient lone wolves who consider responding to their exhortations. Through an examination of the case of Wiebo Ludwig and the EnCana pipeline bombings of 2008–2009, I show how these rhetorics emerge in the interactions between activists and their political enemies. With this conception, we can (a) understand more fully the discursive/rhetorical dynamics involved in asymmetrical struggle, (b) problematize the acceptance of the organizational reality of leaderless resistance in the terrorism literature, and (c) question the assertion of some terrorism scholarship that refers to leaderless resistance and other ideologies of effervescence as hallmarks of the “new terrorism.”     

构建节约型社会艰苦奋斗的延安精神不能丢

艰苦奋斗的延安精神是我党的传家宝,是中华民族宝贵的精神财富。党在新时期提出要构建节约型社会,无论是从我国宏观经济发展上看,还是从经济可持续发展上看,艰苦奋斗的延安精神都不能丢;从干部选拔任用,到教育下一代青少年,艰苦奋斗的延安精神更不能丢。艰苦奋斗永远都不过时,任何时候都不能丢。     

论邓小平对我党反腐倡廉理论的创新和发展

邓小平在领导中国改革开放和经济建设过程中,对新时期反腐败斗争的若干重大问题进行了精辟的论述他认为权力过分集中是腐败产生的一个重要原因,这是我党首次从体制上探寻腐败现象的根源,从而结束了以往把腐败现象根源仅仅看作是思想、作风的历史;他指出反腐败的指导思想是"反腐倡廉工作必须紧紧服务于党的基本路线",从而纠正了反腐败服务于阶级斗争的错误倾向;他提出依靠法制反对腐败,从而实现了反腐模式的根本转变,即由人治反腐到法制反腐;他重申反腐斗争的重点是领导机关和领导干部,从而指导我国反腐败斗争抓住重点.     

Social Struggles in Present Day Argentina

Since the mid 1970s, Argentine society has gone through a period characterised as counterrevolutionary. The conservative social forces, led by the financial oligarchy, seized power and government by means of the coup d'état of 1976, and imposed an economic and social policy towards the working class, based on wage cuts and a lengthening of the working day. When the military governments were replaced by civilian ones, physical coercion was replaced by economic coercion, through market laws with unemployment and wage cuts reaching unprecedented levels. Although the popular forces were weakened by the unfavourable development of social struggles since the mid–1970s, during the 1990s government policies were confronted by the people through different forms of struggle.
This article presents the results of research on the different forms of social struggle carried out by the working class and other popular classes since the end of the 1980s until today. It aims to conceptualise the forms of rebellion (foot riot, riot, strikes and roadblocks), to determine the different moments of social struggle and the likely trends of its development.     

易帜后蒋张在东北地方政权上的合作与争斗

东北易帜后到九一八事变前,蒋介石南京政府对东北地方政权的机构、体制、人事等方面谋求染指和控制。张学良东北集团一方面适应南京政府的“统一”政策,对东北政权进行了某些改革;另一方面,将政权牢牢掌握在自己手中,对南京的渗透、控制予以防范和抵制,并伺机加以扩展。二者在政权关系上总体是合作,也不乏明争暗斗。从本质上说是统治阶级内部中央集团和地方集团在利益、权力上的分配与争夺。