军事斗争行为的法律分析

随着科技的发展,在国际范围的军事斗争行为中,个人也逐渐成了其法律关系的主体之一,战争权不再是国家的绝对权利,作为国际法的正常主体要负法律责任。从国内法角度看,法与军事斗争具有阶级同源性,它们的政治本质相通,社会作用也相同,虽然某些军事斗争行为不仅具备犯罪构成的外部特性,也确实侵害了法律所保护的利益,但由于其特殊性,行为主体阻却违法应成立。在国际社会中,19世纪式的人道主义干涉现已被国际法确认为非法,并且联合国对一国采取军事斗争行为的合法性条件作了明确规定。     

现代国际恐怖主义犯罪主要原因谈

国际恐怖主义犯罪已成为当今社会的一大公害,是全世界人类文明社会的共同敌人,其手段血腥残忍,范围更扩大、方式更隐蔽、形式更多样、活动更猖獗,已成为国际社会关注的焦点。文章认真全面分析了现代国际恐怖主义犯罪的主要原因,对深入进行反恐斗争将有一定的政治意义和现实意义。     

反避税新探

随着我国经济发展和对外开放步伐的加快,税收中避税带来的危害也与日俱增。我国目前已经加大了反避税的力度,并且针对避税活动采取了一系列反避税措施。但是,当前反避税工作所取得的成绩却不甚理想。其原因主要有:反避税缺乏法律依据;对反避税立法的滞后性及法律冲突估计不足;反避税机制不健全。要解决反避税中存在的问题,应该在理论上加强研究,在实践中注重革新。     

试述《九评》与中苏论战

20世纪五六十年代的中苏论战,旷日持久,历时十年,又称"十年论战".它是中苏关系史和中共党史上一个十分重大而复杂的历史事件.这场论战既表现了意识形态之争,又蕴含着国家利益之争,也反映了高举马克思主义大旗领导权之争.1963年9月中共中央开展的九评苏共中央公开信是中苏论战的转折点.它就像一枚重磅炸弹,在当时的国内外影响最大、最代表中共方面论战的核心观点,从而使中共在中苏论战中由防御转为反攻,由半公开不指名争论转为全面公开的指名道姓的争论,把中苏论战推向顶点和高潮.它的直接后果,是导致了第二次世界大战后社会主义阵营的破裂,中苏关系的破裂,强化了毛泽东的"反修防修"思想,因而和旨在完成"反修防修"任务的"文化大革命"有着直接的联系.     

The Class Context of Temporary Immigration,Racism and Civic Nationalism in Taiwan

This article adopts a Marxist framework for examining the class bases of racism against guest workers in Taiwan, focusing on the legislative and administrative mechanisms adopted by the state to racialise and recompose the labour market and to politically repress immigrants, largely for the benefit of capital accumulation. It examines the ways in which racism against immigrants has constituted an important element of Taiwan's civic nationalism; an ideology which depicts guest workers' resistance as a source of social instability in the nation-state. The article also considers the ways in which the state has adapted to immigrants' struggles, together with the immigrants' and local workers' efforts to unite in solidarity against wage exploitation and racism. The article brings together evidence supporting the contention that Marxist analysis is the most effective means of explaining both racism and anti-racism.     

井冈山时期毛泽东对“个人主义”的批评

在井冈山斗争时期,毛泽东批评的＂个人主义＂有特殊的含义,他主要从个人的消极思想态度这个角度来理解＂个人主义＂,这既不同于胡适主张的健全的个人主义,也不同于西方政治哲学中的个人主义。毛泽东对＂个人主义＂的批评是有特殊的历史背景的,需要放到井冈山革命道路的探索过程中加以理解。他对＂个人主义＂的认识为后来在价值观领域批判自私自利的＂个人主义＂、极端的＂个人主义＂起了一定的作用。毛泽东对个人消极思想态度和个人利益至上论的批评在今天仍有现实意义。     

全球化时代社会主义与资本主义共存的条件及启示

本文通过全球化为社会主义与资本主义共存提供条件的分析,认为两制的共处是当今时代的一个重要特色,但共处并不意味改变资本主义必然灭亡的历史规律.分析两制共处的条件,对如何正确处理社会主义与资本主义的关系,以及最终战胜资本主义具有重要的意义.     

《矛盾论》与马克思主义矛盾动力理论体系的形成

马克思恩格斯批判地继承、发展了黑格尔的矛盾动力观,创立了唯物辩证的矛盾动力论,经列宁和毛泽东的丰富、发展,形成了比较完备的马克思主义矛盾动力理论体系,《矛盾论》是其代表作。《矛盾论》从内部矛盾与外部矛盾的结合、同一性与斗争性的共同作用、主要矛盾与次要矛盾的不同作用上,多层次多方面地阐明了矛盾如何推动事物发展的机理,对唯物辩证法理论的深化作出了重要贡献。     

The legacy of social conflicts over property rights in rural Brazil and Mexico: Current land struggles in historical perspective

This article proposes an approach to the agrarian question that focuses on the establishment of absolute private property rights over land in Brazil and Mexico. The author argues that current land struggles are conditioned by the property regimes inherited from past struggles. The author examines the liberal reforms of the nineteenth century and argues that the balance of class forces led to the slow establishment of absolute private property in Brazil, while in Mexico they triggered the Revolution of 1910–1917, which limited agrarian capitalism. The author then turns to the consequences of these different property regimes in the twentieth century and argues that capitalist social relations have been more dominant in the Brazilian than in the Mexican countryside. The conservative modernization of the 1960s and 1970s is identified as a turning point in the fully capitalist development of agriculture in Brazil. The shift toward food imports, the elimination of subsidies, and the reform of Article 27 of the Constitution signal the re-establishment of the conditions for capitalist development of agriculture in Mexico. The article ends with an assessment of the MST and EZLN's strategies to protect peasants’ access to land and to influence the institutional setting determining access to land.     

Museums for peace: agents and instruments of peace education

Although museums for peace claim peace education to be a primary mission, their definitions of ‘peace’ and their aims and practices for peace education vary widely. In this article, we draw from the field of critical museology and the knowledge construction perspective to understand the role of museums for peace in the service of peace education. From the constructivist viewpoint, the museums’ narratives are not objective or historical truths. Rather they are the museum designers’ constructed interpretations of the events, people, and places that are memorialized. The museums’ exhibits, narratives, and programs reflect a wide range of definitions of peace including some which conflict and contradict each other. The variations in defining peace contribute to differences in how the museums view and exercise their role in educating for peace. From this analysis, we observe how contemporary museums for peace can play a significant role in peace education by raising awareness about multiple definitions of peace and by enabling audiences to reflect on, discuss and participate in deliberated paths toward personal peace and cultures of peace.