井冈山斗争时期历史人物袁文才、王佐研究述评

袁文才、王佐是井冈山斗争时期具有传奇色彩的两个特殊人物,近年来,部分党史研究者对袁文才、王佐这两个人物保持了浓厚的研究兴趣,先后有200多篇论文涉及这两个人物,内容集中在:解密袁文才、王佐被错杀的原因,袁文才、王佐对创建井冈山根据地的贡献,改造袁文才、王佐部队的过程以及袁文才、王佐与井冈山根据地其他主要人物的关系等。研究袁文才、王佐对澄清历史事实、防止"左"倾错误、正确选用人才有一定的借鉴意义。     

The Messiness of Everyday Life: Exploring Key Themes in Latin American Citizenship Studies Introduction

This section seeks to provide a brief theoretical framework for the study of citizenship in Latin America by focusing on two characteristics which are of relevance to the essays collected here: belonging and political agency. It then goes on to discuss some key themes which emerge from a reading of the collected articles: methodology; civilisation and deviation; citizenship as the organisation of subordinate inclusion; popular ideas of citizenship as 'fairness'; role of public performance in defining political relationships.     

井冈山红色文化及其对根据地建设的历史作用

井冈山红色文化作品种类繁多，包括诗词、楹联、歌谣、戏曲、故事、传说、标语、漫画，其直接鲜明地呼应了井冈山斗争这一强烈的时代主题，它以独特的文化形式，记录了井冈山斗争时期的政治、军事、经济、社会的发展变化，它是井冈山斗争时期最重要的一种文化现象，是当时影响最大、受众最多的一种文化。它对中国红军、根据地人民的价值观念产生过潜移默化的影响，为井冈山斗争提供了强大的精神动力。     

公众参与反腐败的有效途径与制度保障

在当前我国社会变革、经济转型的改革攻坚阶段,腐败现象对社会主义现代化建设事业的破坏性影响极为严重。公众参与反腐败为更有效地遏制腐败现象,提供了一种制约权力的方式——以民制权。目前,公众参与反腐败主要表现在四个方面:注重信访举报,完善相关制度;群众参与立法,推行政务公开;加强反腐研究,实行民主评议;开展廉政监督,借助大众传媒。     

杜牧大和九年行迹思想新探

杜牧由淮南节度掌书记调任监察御史，大和九年由扬州经汴路赴京。因朝廷党援关系的变化，不得不移疾分司东都。这一年发生的“甘露之变”是杜牧学创作的转折点，使他的心态由经世报国变为全身远祸。杜牧在大和九年与李戡的交往中，学思想有了明确的表现。他推崇李戡“有道有学有”的品行，并借李勘之口以否定元白的诗作，代表了晚唐前期的学思潮。     

以党章立法推进反腐败斗争

我们党历来把反腐败斗争作为一项重大的政治任务来抓。党章是党的根本大法。以党章立法推进反腐败斗争,使党章立法成为反腐倡廉建设法规体系的核心,是使反腐败斗争得到权威、稳定、持续的立法支持的根本保证。通过党章立法将政治意愿化为价值准绳和规范,围绕党章健全反腐倡廉建设相关法规,推进反腐倡廉建设制度创新,是党章立法推进反腐败斗争的有效途径。     

Social Class in Contemporary Japan: Structures,Sorting and Strategy

This article accounts for why and how democratisation in Korea, although facilitated by social forces from below, has contributed to deepening social polarisation by accelerating economic liberalisation. In assessing this seemingly paradoxical dynamic of democratisation in Korea, this article offers an analysis of contemporary Korean politics and political economy alternative to currently prevailing approaches. Prevailing approaches tend to frame recent socio-economic and political changes in Korea brought about by democratisation and the financial crisis of 1997-98 as the encroachment of the market over the state, and of the external (the global) over the internal (the national), as if these bipolarised categories assume zero-sum relations. This article posits democratisation processes as class and social struggles and such factors as the global economy, the positioning of Korea in the world-system and the history of US intervention, that are typically perceived as external constituents, as active social and class forces. Informed by this framework, this article explores contemporary Korean politics and political economy as a set of contradictory processes of political and economic liberalisation, democratisation and “de-democratisation.”     

Michael Leifer and the balance of power

Abstract

In the work of the late Professor Michael Leifer few concepts are invoked more often than the balance of power. It was due to his reliance on this concept that Michael Leifer came to be widely regarded as an exponent of realism and an advocate of countervailing balance of power practices. By reviewing Leifer's own writings, this article not only re-examines the now almost standard interpretation of his work, but also investigates the significance of the balance of power in his scholarship in new ways. The first section identifies the two key meanings Leifer explicitly imputed to the balance of power. It also examines Leifer's arguments relative to what he perceived as changes in the balance of power. This will be done with reference to his analyses of the international politics of Southeast and East Asia in the Cold War and post-Cold War period. The second section extends the discussion on the particularities of Leifer's writings on the balance of power, but relates it specifically to the question of what Leifer's writings suggest about his theoretical home. His ability to demonstrate the significance of the balance of power as a political factor in the foreign policies of individual Southeast Asian states is the focus of the third section. Finally, the article builds on Leifer's empirical writings on the importance of psychological factors in relation to the balance of power as policy to take up theoretically important questions that he himself did not pursue, particularly about the extent to which the balance of power is the product of struggles for security and recognition. The article draws three conclusions. First, Leifer should be thought of not as a diehard advocate of conventional balance of power practices, but rather as a scholar broadly working within English School parameters who was deeply wedded to the idea that the balance of power is necessary to uphold regional order in international society in the context of the rise of a potentially hegemonic power. Second, one of the finest aspects of Leifer's scholarly legacy is to be found in his discussion of the balance of power factor in the foreign policies of Southeast Asian states. Third, Leifer should also be an inspiration to those interested in empirical work underlining the importance of struggles for recognition in the formation and practice of the balance of power.     

Need a Hand? No Thanks! Media Representations and Peace Building Indicators: The Case of UK Foreign Aid Programmes in Colombia

This article considers research approaches often associated with media and journalism studies as complementary assessment strategies to inform decisions associated with evaluating foreign aid. In order to do so, the case of British foreign aid towards Colombia in the context of the War on Drugs is examined as a case study. The authors explore the relationship between aid giving and the receipt of aid by focusing on how the media can be used as a peacebuilding indicator. There is a dearth of academic inquiry into these issues. This article attempts to flesh out some future lines of scholarly enquiry using the UK–Colombia case study example. It uses research interviews with state officials, multilateral organizations and NGO representatives as well as a review of press coverage in Colombia over a two-year period. The article argues that media could potentially be used as an important indicator of peacebuilding success and failure in the context of aid giving and receipt but that to achieve that there are specific pre-conditions and issues to be addressed by the different parties.     

从井冈山的斗争看“实事求是”是我们党思想路线的精髓

井冈山——中央苏区时期的斗争经验告诉我们,“实事求是”是马克思主义的精髓,也是我们党思想路线的精髓。它是我们党理论创新和联系实际的产物。实事求是必须一切从实际出发,必须有改革创新的理论勇气和付诸实践的坚强决心,必须坚定不移地走群众路线。抚今追昔,展望未来,我们必须汲取历史的经验教训,牢记只有不断改革、开放、创新,只有始终坚持实事求是,时刻不忘密切联系群众,我们党和党的事业才有光明的未来。