合作社性质的法律分析

由于制度的上优越性,合作社在国内外经济生活中扮演着重要角色,成为与公司、合伙等典型企业相区别的经济组织.但不同的是,合作社是具有社团性、非营利性、人合性和法人性的组织.一直以来,我国理论界对于合作社的性质问题难以达成一致.我国新出台的《农民专业合作社法》明确规定了合作社的性质,虽然可以在一定程度上消除理论上的混乱现象,该法并没有完全回答合作社的性质问题.     

论我国行政立法程序之完善

从某种意义上而言,行政立法的法治化也是行政立法程序的规范化和法治化。中国行政立法的最大弊端在于其程序的随意性、隐秘性和不可预知性,而全球贸易规则恰恰最强调行政行为的法定性、透明性和可预知性。为此,就有必要建立与世界贸易规则相适应的行政立法程序。从中国行政立法程序及完善动因、全球贸易规则对中国行政立法程序的控制和建立与世贸规则要求相适应的行政立法程序三个层面探讨中国行政立法程序的完善。     

小议侦查程序中的人权保障

侦查程序是刑事诉讼中非常重要的一个环节,然而,由于长期以来侦查机构权力过大,得不到有效制约,而屡屡发生侵犯公民权利的事件。为此,我们应当构建一种能够有效制约侦查权力的司法机制,以实现侦查程序中的人权保障。     

论我国刑事初查制度的缺陷及改革方向

我国的刑事初查制度在司法实践形成并发挥了打击犯罪的积极作用,但由于缺乏明确的法律依据和规范体系而存在诸多制度缺陷,从一开始就备受争议。从根本上克服这一缺陷不能仅从完善初查制度本身入手,而应考虑改革我国的立案程序,建立随机型刑事侦查模式。     

法律推理视角中的法官自由裁量

法官自由裁量客观存在于法律推理过程中;审判三段论的大前提和小前提分别蕴涵着法官对适用法律和案件事实的自由裁量;在实质法律推理中法官通过价值判断进行自由裁量.     

网络新闻的走势——寻求网民心理需求和议程设置的完美契合

结合传播学理论中的议程设置对新闻网站的网络新闻进行分析(以两会期间人民网新闻排行为观察视点),可以发现新闻网站在进行议程设置时和网民心理需求之间的一些规律,网民心理需求和议程设置契合地越完美,网络新闻的前景也就越光明。网络的参与性和交互性与网民的显著性、接近性、趣味性等心理可以结合起来,这样网络新闻会日臻完美,从而更加吸引网民的眼球。     

The European Court of Justice and its political impact

This article reviews recent advances in the study of the European Court of Justice (ECJ) and its political impact at the European and member state levels. New quantitative as well as qualitative analyses show with great empirical precision that member state preferences guide the Court. The article summarises these findings, but argues that greater attention needs to be given to the (over-)constitutionalisation of EU law in order to fully capture the political impact of ECJ jurisprudence. Even if European judges are less activist than is often assumed and individual decisions are more restrained in the face of member state opposition, incrementally, case law evolves in a highly expansive fashion. And, exercising caution regarding unrealistic expectations about quasi-deterministic judicial law-making, it is found that the Court’s constitutionalised jurisprudence impacts heavily on European and member state policy-making.     

Centers of Gravity: Regional Powers,Democracy, and Trade

Classic studies on hegemonic stability and power transition suggest that concentration of capabilities favoring a single state can promote economic cooperation and discourage militarized conflict. However, tests of these arguments have been primarily limited to examining temporal variation in global capability distributions and corresponding levels of system-wide cooperation; few have examined the impact of capability concentration at the region level. In this article, we contend that concentration of regional military capabilities corresponds to lower trade costs for states throughout a region and to an incentive for weaker states to de-prioritize expenditure on the military, freeing resources that can be used to promote trade. As a result, this condition promotes higher levels of trade, particularly within the region. We also argue that democratic regional powers are better able to foster confidence in the sustainability of cooperation; thus, the trade-enhancing impact of concentrated regional capabilities is stronger when the predominant state is more democratic. We find evidence in support of our expectations in statistical models examining state trade between 1960 and 2007.     

One measure cannot trump it all: lessons from NATO’s early burden-sharing debates

This paper calls for a qualitative turn in discussing NATO burden-sharing. The paper takes issue with the numerical burden-sharing narrative in NATO and identifies its two main problems. Despite being simple, the 2% defence spending pledge lacks other basic attributes of any contributory system: fairness and effectiveness. Drawing from concepts of distributive justice, the paper analyses NATO’s first burden-sharing debates and demonstrates that due to their qualitatively different capabilities, the allies agreed on an egalitarian ability-to-pay distributive justice. Furthermore, it shows that the allies refrained from implementing fairness in terms of a one-size-fits-all formula, since this simple numerical approach could not produce fair and effective burden-sharing at the same time. Rather, they developed a dynamic framework for optimal sharing. These formative burden-sharing debates provide valuable lessons learned for the current build-up of NATO’s posture: less focused on formal sharing, more concerned with strategic outputs.