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981.
Sungmoon Kim 《Citizenship Studies》2013,17(3-4):353-368
In this article, I attempt to construct a normative framework of Korean multiculturalism in the Confucian public-societal context of Korean democracy by focusing on the political implications of the claim to cultural rights (so-called ‘logic’ of multiculturalism) and cultural pluralism that it is likely to entail for Korean democracy. After examining the logic of multiculturalism that often puts multiculturalism in tension with liberal democracy, I turn to Will Kymlicka's account of immigrant multiculturalism that resolves the potential tension between multiculturalism and liberal democracy in a liberal way. Then, I construct a normative framework of Korean multiculturalism in a way that a decent multicultural society can be established on the same public-cultural ground on which Korean democracy has matured in the past two decades. 相似文献
982.
Jeffrey D. Wilson 《Third world quarterly》2015,36(2):223-239
The rise of new economic powers has seen increasing attention focused on the international role of the BRICS countries. Importantly, a common feature uniting the BRICS is that they are all resource-rich, and many analysts (and some BRICS governments) have argued that natural resources are one of the key factors propelling the rise of the group. This article explores the BRICS’ emerging status as ‘resource powers’, examining how resource wealth underpins their economic development and foreign policy strategies, and thus contributes to their growing influence in international affairs. It is argued that through the use of nationalistic mining and energy policies, the BRICS governments have exploited natural resources for both domestic economic and international diplomatic objectives. However, there are several challenges and emerging risks facing the BRICS’ resource strategies, which mean that resource wealth is making a positive – though inherently limited – contribution to the growing international status of the group. 相似文献
983.
AbstractWe argue that the proximate reason the United States overuses prisons is that for local prosecutors and judges, sending offenders to prison is “free”; the state pays. By completely subsidizing prison use, states incentivize local overuse of prisons. State prisons in the United States are common pool resources, so options to managing common pool resources used in fisheries and environmental protection may have applications to corrections. We propose, for this purpose, seven options: six involve pricing systems and each having several variants. Each approach, in its own way, puts a price on justice. We also outline other changes in correctional and sentencing practices policy makers need to make to implement these approaches. We anticipate potential consequences, good and bad, of incentivizing justice. Finally, we fully expect our proposals to incur the ire of some political idealists on the right and the left. Nevertheless, for policy makers who are concerned about practical solutions to the grave injustices and high costs of mass incarcerations, our portfolio of options should be useful. 相似文献
984.
The International Intellectual Property Rights (IPR) regime currently endeavours to protect complex subject matters ranging from art and fashion to software. This paper will specifically examine the key international instruments (issued by the World Intellectual Property Organization [WIPO] and those applicable in the European Union) governing the apparel industry. To that end, it will analyse the different instruments governing the sector and will also highlight in brief the various initiatives undertaken by the WIPO towards facilitating and harmonising the process of protecting the different facets of the fashion sector. Further, we will look at the current statistics available on the different databases and will gauge how the sector has fared. Over the course of the paper, the authors will highlight the gap in the protection granted to garments or cloth weaving techniques belonging to indigenous communities (such fashion articles fall under the broad domain of the traditional cultural expression of a community) ranging from handlooms and handicrafts to unique textile and design prints, motifs, symbols, accessories, and so on, as compared to international fashion corporations. The existing gaps would be analysed in the current international IPR regime which makes it challenging to apply the current norms and standards of IP to elements of traditional and cultural clothing of indigenous communities. It will locate a few examples of communities utilising IPR to protect and promote their cultural heritage in the garment industry. Continuing on this tangent, the paper will look at how the IP regime can be adequately expanded to incorporate the needs and interests of indigenous communities and promote their fashion and culture. The final part of the paper will be conclusive in nature. 相似文献
985.
The National Institutes for Culture have not attracted much scholarly attention examining their managerial practices. The aim of this article is to explore how the state expresses its agency over the Cultural Institutes of six European countries: the UK, Germany, France, Spain, Sweden, and Greece. Agency presents varying modalities, making instrumentalism more multifaceted than has been implied so far. The authors are introducing here a framework of five “touchpoints” to capture and analyze instrumentalism in cultural diplomacy. Funding, agenda setting, evaluation, hierarchy, and appointment power constitute the typical system of interactions between the Cultural Institutes and their reporting authorities. 相似文献
986.
Leonardo Figueiredo Costa 《Journal of Arts Management, Law & Society》2018,48(1):70-79
This article aims to contribute to the field of arts management by identifying the need to make cultural production/management an established field of professional practice and training in Brazil, and the challenges of doing so. To accomplish this, we reviewed several publications and we present first a discourse on theoretical texts in relation to the idea of culture and systems of cultural production and then an analysis of arts management publications in Brazil with observations about this field of work. In this article, we address the current paucity of training opportunities of this kind, the extent to which these roles have yet to be professionalized, and indicate, in the conclusion, that this is a matter of increasing importance and concern for cultural policy in Brazil. 相似文献
987.
Jae Hyeok Shin 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2018,24(3):338-358
In this paper I investigate how legislators behave in extremely pork-oriented, or pork-dominant, systems where virtually no party-line voting takes place and politicians strive to deliver individual/local benefits instead of national public policies. I argue that, in the pork-dominant context, most legislators vote with the president, who controls access to the pork pipeline, irrespective of their party affiliations. Thus, the president’s party legislators should have little incentive to vote against the president, regardless of voter demands for pork or policy; however, sometimes opposition-party legislators elected particularly from more-developed districts (where voters often desire policy over pork) should have strong incentives to vote against the president. These arguments are supported with quantitative studies of the post-authoritarian Philippine House of Representatives. It is found that, in the highly homogeneous legislature dominated by pork-seeking politicians, (1) most bills are passed with unanimous or near-unanimous consent, (2) governing-party legislators almost always vote with the majority of the members of the parliament, regardless of voters’ socio-economic conditions, and (3) opposition-party legislators, especially in more-developed areas, tend to vote against the parliamentary majority. These findings indicate that voters’ high socio-economic status promotes programmatic accountability, leading their representatives to undermine voting unity within the extremely cohesive pork-dominant legislature. 相似文献
988.
卢建军 《西南政法大学学报》2011,13(1):104-110
即使在我们轰轰烈烈地进行着"社会主义法治国家"建设的情况下,民间法依然具有十分顽强的生命力,深深地影响着我国的法治建设。之所以人们仍然偏好以民间法作为自己的行为规范和解决纠纷冲突的参照,这固然有十分复杂的原因,但文化心理原因不能不说是最重要的。为了保证法治建设的顺利进行,我们必须在法律观念、法律制定、法律运作和法律适用结果等不同层面充分考虑承载深厚文化心理基础的民间法。 相似文献
989.
记言、记事是中国史学的传统,为改变旧的史学秩序,司马谈提出了新的史学思想。在此基础上,司马迁以究天人之际,通古今之变,成一家之言为撰写《史记》提出了新的文化使命。司马迁爱奇的文化品质与其家学相关。汉文化的胜利是楚文化的胜利,楚人的浪漫气质既铸造了汉人的灵魂,同时也铸造了司马迁的浪漫情怀。社会经济的繁荣不但增强了汉王朝的国力,而且还助长了向外求索的豪气,给司马迁以深刻的影响。三次壮游为司马迁关注奇人奇事提供了依据,奇人奇事成为司马迁探讨兴衰之理的重要内容。秦汉人物是司马迁关心的重点对象,《史记》重点叙述这些人物的事迹,是为了更好地承担和阐释原始察终,见盛观衰、稽其成败兴坏之理的思想。 相似文献
990.
Zofia Stemplowska 《Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy》2019,22(3):269-283
AbstractLippert-Rasmussen has proposed a new version of luck egalitarianism: equality of concern. In this article, I argue that equality of concern is more generous than its two luck egalitarian rivals. That is, against equality of opportunity for welfare, it is more generous in that it recognises shortfalls in the satisfaction of one’s impersonal concerns as potentially inegalitarian. Against equality of resources, it is more generous in that it advocates more extensive compensation. I suggest that equality of concern’s generosity regarding impersonal concerns is justified but its generosity regarding compensation is not. Equality of resources, however, faces other problems, and so I argue that a hybrid of equality of concern and equality of resources would be the more attractive luck egalitarian view. 相似文献