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Classic studies on hegemonic stability and power transition suggest that concentration of capabilities favoring a single state can promote economic cooperation and discourage militarized conflict. However, tests of these arguments have been primarily limited to examining temporal variation in global capability distributions and corresponding levels of system-wide cooperation; few have examined the impact of capability concentration at the region level. In this article, we contend that concentration of regional military capabilities corresponds to lower trade costs for states throughout a region and to an incentive for weaker states to de-prioritize expenditure on the military, freeing resources that can be used to promote trade. As a result, this condition promotes higher levels of trade, particularly within the region. We also argue that democratic regional powers are better able to foster confidence in the sustainability of cooperation; thus, the trade-enhancing impact of concentrated regional capabilities is stronger when the predominant state is more democratic. We find evidence in support of our expectations in statistical models examining state trade between 1960 and 2007.  相似文献   
53.
This paper calls for a qualitative turn in discussing NATO burden-sharing. The paper takes issue with the numerical burden-sharing narrative in NATO and identifies its two main problems. Despite being simple, the 2% defence spending pledge lacks other basic attributes of any contributory system: fairness and effectiveness. Drawing from concepts of distributive justice, the paper analyses NATO’s first burden-sharing debates and demonstrates that due to their qualitatively different capabilities, the allies agreed on an egalitarian ability-to-pay distributive justice. Furthermore, it shows that the allies refrained from implementing fairness in terms of a one-size-fits-all formula, since this simple numerical approach could not produce fair and effective burden-sharing at the same time. Rather, they developed a dynamic framework for optimal sharing. These formative burden-sharing debates provide valuable lessons learned for the current build-up of NATO’s posture: less focused on formal sharing, more concerned with strategic outputs.  相似文献   
54.
The Mexican Law of International Development Cooperation (lidc) was published in 2011 with the purpose of reinforcing the institutional framework and developing a State policy as an activity that is inherent to foreign policy. From an institutional perspective, this paper examines some key aspects of Mexican cooperation that were developed in 2011–2014, with an emphasis on the current status of the lidc implementation. It is argued that during Felipe Calderon's administration the utter applicability of the Mexican lidc was not politically supported, thus frustrating the expectations concerning the development of a State policy on this matter. President Enrique Peña Nieto's current administration has made some progress in this direction, but it is also far from fully complying with the lidc and this has slowed down the institutionalization process of international development cooperation.  相似文献   
55.
Scholars often highlight the capacity for cooperation and reciprocity as one of the most outstanding features of Andean peasants, but also raise concerns that these traditional strategies necessarily wither and fade as Andean people and places are increasingly incorporated into capitalist markets and processes. This study examines how non-market cooperative and reciprocal economic practices are affected as rural Bolivians expand production to meet a growing international demand for the Andean pseudo-grain quinoa. Based on the grounded experiences of rural Bolivians who are negotiating the modernisation and martketisation of agricultural production for the first time, I find that increasing incorporation into global markets need not undermine the moral economy of rural people, and may in fact strengthen their commitment to reciprocal and cooperative strategies. In contrast to claims that the spread of modern markets and technologies will weaken and ultimately replace cooperative strategies, I argue that reciprocity practices are important components in the construction of a new, hybrid economic space. Within this space, where economic strategies are based on moral sentiments as well as market logic, reciprocity provides a socially and ecologically appropriate ‘toolkit’ with which rural people negotiate their uneven incorporation into global capitalistic processes.  相似文献   
56.
夏立平  钟琦 《国际展望》2022,(1):38-53+158-159
全球和合共生系统理论是共生理论与系统理论相互融合而形成的全新框架体系,可以作为构建人类命运共同体和中国周边命运共同体的理论分析范式和理论依据。全球和合共生系统理论认为,世界上的一切事物都是一个大系统中的共生体,必须从全球的角度来构建命运共同体。国际体系各组成部分之间的关系是辩证的,即对立的统一。全球体系内部与中国周边体系内部的互相依赖既有积极的一面,又有消极的一面。积极的相互依存是指相互依存的双方都从关系中受益,而消极的相互依存是指任何一方对相互依存关系的破坏都可能给另一方甚至双方带来损失。构建中国周边命运共同体是全球共生体系高级阶段的目标。全球和合共生系统理论的相互依存论决定了优化中国周边体系以实现中国周边命运共同体的必要性。以相互尊重为前提,以公平正义为核心,以合作共赢为目标,应成为构建中国周边命运共同体的三个关键要素。我们应以此来推进构建新型国际关系,进而建立中国周边命运共同体。  相似文献   
57.
以中国共产党为领导的多党合作的政党制度 ,是一种完全新型的社会主义政党制度。它的形成、发展和不断完善 ,伴随着中国共产党 80年的光辉历程。中国社会的历史和现实条件决定了中国共产党与民主党派合作具有历史的必然性 ,而共产党在多党合作制中居领导地位同样具有历史的必然性。  相似文献   
58.
恐怖主义犯罪已成为当今世界各国面临的头号安全问题。恐怖主义犯罪不仅造成严重的人员伤亡、财产损失,还对民族团结和国家统一带来了恶劣影响。为此,我国颁布了《反恐怖主义法》以严厉打击恐怖主义犯罪。其中,境外反恐成为一大亮点。境外反恐具有多方面的必要性。当前,我国在境外反恐上存在反恐合法性、管辖权、恐怖主义犯罪认定与程序、证据交换、境外侦查与引渡等现实难题。对此,我们可以通过建立新型反恐刑事司法合作机制,完善国内立法与司法,以及加强与他国反恐合作等方式予以解决。  相似文献   
59.
假币犯罪案件的特点与侦查防范   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:1  
当前,我国假币犯罪活动日渐增多、形势严峻。深入研究假币犯罪的特点、规律以及犯罪原因.是成功遏制假币犯罪的关键。假币犯罪活动,不仅影响我国的市场经济秩序.而且危害国家的经济安全和广大人民群众的根本利益。一些群众因误收假币而受到了严重的经济损失.不仅对银行产生不信任感。由此也引发了不安定的因素,从而影响了社会的经济和治安的稳定。  相似文献   
60.
赵宇 《政法学刊》2006,23(4):119-124
冷战后,中国提出以“互信、互利、平等、协作”为核心的新安全观,努力营造长期稳定、安全可靠的国际安全环境。新安全观需要新思维。在以合作求安全、以协商求安全,建立新的安全机制维护安全和坚持反霸反恐并重的思维。新安全观强调重视非传统安全威胁的因素,而国际警务合作是对付恐怖主义和跨国犯罪的有力武器之一,因此,应该用新安全观的视角来看加强国际警务合作的必要。  相似文献   
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