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211.
一个国家的外交政策是该国民族文化心理的外在反映和体现,具有自己鲜明的特色。由于历史、宗教、地理等各种因素的影响,俄罗斯民族呈现出极端性、矛盾性、情绪化相结合的、带有强烈民族主义意识的复杂民族心理,这深刻地影响了俄罗斯的外交政策。 相似文献
212.
家训以治家训子为本务。好的家训既是家族繁荣的重要保障,也是国家文化的重要体现。一代廉吏于成龙的家训,蕴含着家国共建有德有“分”社会的治家治国理念与路径。于成龙家训立意于家国共建,主张通过官员改善家风来引领社会风气,实现国家风清气正。“德”是其思想内核,包括孝敬不违礼、勤俭不奢靡、宽仁不刻薄、公道不欺诈、高洁并立志五种美德。“分”是其精魂所在,通过要求家族成员遵守在家庭与社会中的本分、随分而行,来实现家国的和谐稳定。于成龙家训以训治家、以家治国,最终谋求家、国的共同发展,具有典范意义。 相似文献
213.
突破中国民族话语中以“民族”概念专指少数民族的思维的限制就会发现,人类历史上的“民族”概念最早形成于欧洲,指的是具有国家形式的人群共同体。这样一种与国家结合在一起的民族,具体表现为国民的共同体,是在一个长期的历史过程中形成的。民族形成后便将形成过程中经历的人口国民化、国民整体化等蕴涵于自身,使其成为蕴涵一系列社会政治机制的人口组织形式,并为欧洲现代社会、现代国家和现代政治的形成奠定基础。在“民族”概念的使用范围拓展以后,不具国家形式的各种历史文化共同体也被以“民族”概念来指称和描述,从而使民族的种类迅速增加。这样的民族共同体又对民族国家的统一、稳定和治理产生着深刻的影响,在国内和国际政治关系中发挥着重要的作用。对如此形态多样和影响深远的民族现象,政治学者不能漠然视之,而必须积极主动地关注和研究。由此形成的民族议题,既是政治学理论和知识体系构建不可或缺的重要方面,也是解释中国现代国家的构建和发展及政治学知识体系完备和创新的重要渠道。 相似文献
214.
潮汕海外华侨与抗日战争 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
潮汕海外华侨在抗日战争中,奋起救亡,宣传抗日;捐资献物,支援抗战;抵制日货,投资建设祖国;回国参战,血洒疆场。他们为打败日本侵略者,争取抗日战争的胜利做出了巨大的贡献。 相似文献
215.
叶书宗 《中国延安干部学院学报》2014,(2):34-45
中国从1840年鸦片战争失败后,逐步跌入半封建半殖民地的深渊.历史地看,近代以来中国之所以被西欧社会发展迅速拉开距离,实是明皇朝276年统治所造成的.两败俱伤的中国社会政治治理模式,使得明皇朝成为历朝历代最腐朽,阻碍中国社会发展最严重的封建皇朝.明皇朝的覆没,以及李自成建立的大顺朝如流星般地消逝,表明中国社会政治治理模式碎裂.中国走向现代化,必然要转换社会政治治理模式.17世纪中期至20世纪中期的三个世纪,经过艰难曲折的探索,中国终于接受马克思主义,完成新民主主义革命,走上社会主义发展道路,实现社会转型.历史表明:社会主义是中华文明发展的自我选择,是实现中华民族伟大复兴的必由之路. 相似文献
216.
This article addresses the issue of whether the nation state has a future as a major locus of governance in an increasingly ‘globalized’ economic and social system. It begins by considering the development of the sovereign state and argues that international agreements between states were important in establishing the power of the state over society. It goes on to consider the changing capacities of the state in the modern world. Extreme versions of the 'globalization' thesis are then challenged, and it is argued that national-level economic processes remain central and that the international economy is far from ungovernable. Major nation states have a pivotal role to play in creating and sustaining such governance. However, their role is less than as autonomous national macro-economic managers, than as agencies that are representative of their populations and sources of legitimacy for new forms of governance. The central function of the nation state is that of distributing and rendering accountable powers of governance, upwards towards international agencies and trade blocs like the European Union, and downwards towards regional and other sub-national agencies of economic co-ordination and regulation. 相似文献
217.
This paper investigates the clash of (language) ideologies in Estonia in the post-Communist period. In an analysis of changing Western recommendations and Estonian responses during the transition of Estonia from Soviet Socialist Republic to independent state, we trace the development of the discourses on language and citizenship rights. Different conceptions of the nation-state and of how citizenship is acquired, together with different approaches to human rights, led to disagreement between Estonian political elites and the political actors attached to international institutions. In particular, the Soviet demographic legacy posed problems. We use a context-sensitive approach that takes account of human agency, political intervention, power, and authority in the formation of (national) language ideologies and policies. We find that the complexities of cultural and contextual differences were often ignored and misunderstood by both parties and that in their exchanges the two sides appeared to subscribe to ideal philosophical positions. In the following two decades both sides repositioned themselves and appeared to accommodate to the opposing view. In deconstructing the role of political intervention pressing for social and political inclusion and in documenting the profound feeling of victimhood that remained as a legacy from the Soviet period and the bargain that was struck, we hope to contribute to a deeper understanding of the language ideological debates surrounding the post-Communist nation-(re)building process. 相似文献
218.
Julien Danero Iglesias 《Nationalities Papers》2013,41(5):780-800
History is one of the many instruments available for the persuasive construction of a nation. In Moldova, the Party of the Communists of the Republic of Moldova (PCRM), in office from 2001 to 2009, advocated for a Soviet-based version of the Moldovan nation. This “Moldovanism” boasted of the existence of a “Moldovan People” and was relied upon to justify the independence of the former Romanian province. Vladimir Voronin, the party's leader and president of the Republic during this period, promoted this “civic” Moldovan nation and created what seemed to be a coherent and ad hoc construction of an independent Moldovan nation. This paper focuses on communist political discourse during this eight year period. Through the use of Critical Discourse Analysis, this paper focuses on the discursive construction of the Moldovan nation. It is based on Voronin's official speeches and messages from key occasions such as Independence Day and Victory Day. This paper demonstrates the varied use of history in these speeches which improves understanding of the process of the construction of a nation. Moreover, it demonstrates that this construction, far from being coherent, was also sometimes contradictory. Indeed, discourse was adapted to the immediate context and audience. Finally, the paper explains how an explicitly “civic” discourse can be implicitly and, sometimes even explicitly, “ethnic” and “exclusive”. 相似文献
219.
"失独者"已然成了新的"特殊群体",其养老、返贫、疾病和心理是他们面临的主要问题,这些问题亟待政府从制度层面予以解决。但无论是国家层面还是地方层面,该问题的立法状况都不容乐观。"失独者"是因为国家义务而致,所以,作为一个人权主体,政府必须有相应的法律政策来保护他们。政府亦可将社会抚养费作为履行了计划生育义务的失独者养老费用。 相似文献
220.
续大军 《中共山西省委党校学报》2002,25(3):44-45
道德教育如何面对入世后世界文化的冲击 ,文章认为首先要正视这种冲击 ;其次要重视伦理道德建设 ,大力培养德智结合的高科技人才 ;再次要树立国家民族意识、竞争意识、国货意识、信誉、质量意识、权利、义务意识、艰苦奋斗、勤俭节约意识 相似文献