浅议日本少字数派书法

日本现代书法流派之一的少字数派直至今天在书坛上仍具有强大的生命力。本文旨在对其流派的产生原由及艺术特征和审美意蕴等进行论述。     

Pluralisme identitaire et nation unitaire en Suisse

Résumé: L’article s’interroge sur l’absence, en Suisse, d’un mouvement national interne qui s’opposerait au récit national fédéral. L’auto‐désignation comme nation, au sein de pays plurilingues comme le Canada, est l’indice de tensions linguistiques fortes, mais en Suisse, seul le concept de « communauté linguistique » se réfère à l’échelon ethnolinguistique. Même si les émotions identitaires et le rapport au territoire dans le canton de Fribourg rappellent la situation québécoise, les conflits linguistiques sont réglés exclusivement au niveau cantonal. Pour qu’émerge un discours national « infra‐suisse », il faudrait que l’appartenance romande ou alémanique soit considérée comme particulièrement centrale. Or, notre enquête auprès de 962 conseillers communaux de cantons bilingues montre que l’affiliation linguistique est importante et modèle les comportements politiques, mais qu’elle ne concurrence pas l’identification cantonale (particulièrement forte en Valais) ou l’identification suisse. Pour des raisons qui tiennent à l’histoire et à la géographie linguistique, la Suisse demeure une nation unitaire.     

法理学视野中的法律冲突与国际私法

从法理学的角度审视法律冲突在国际私法发展过程中的作用可以看出,国际私法尽管是与法律冲突相伴而生,但它的任务却并不是要解决法律冲突,而且事实上也解决不了法律冲突。法律冲突的解决只能依赖于各国“应然法律”的趋同,而国际私法的任务则是通过确定涉外关系当事人的权利义务,去建立并维护一个合理的、正当的国际民商事交往秩序。     

Branding national issues: India and the branding bandwagon

Branding in the global sense of the marketing discourse has firmly entrenched itself in India like most international markets. Branding and Urban processes are creating a whole new way of looking at oneself and creating new notions of self-worth. This paper will examine the obsession with the idea of branding that cuts across not only just products that are advertised for monetary purchase but also branding that cuts across matters of national concern, of belonging to ideological frameworks, and even reading cultures. Clearly, everything seems to require a label, a sign that comes with a ready sense of identity, of a shelf value that gives temporary sense of collective spirit and provides a much needed soul-stirring experience. This paper will examine recent media-driven branding exercises for issues of national importance against the backdrop of Gandhi as a super-sign and a brand that is revisited at every juncture of social and political phase in the country even today. The paper takes recourse to Umberto Eco's theory of sign production and the theory of codes to understand that signification is a complex process and all signs do not qualify as semiotic judgments. Herein, is the importance of Gandhi as a super sign – the power of cultural codes and Gandhi's ability to identify the semantics of these codes, where most contemporary branding exercises have failed. Another equally important example of a super-sign in India, the game of cricket is an exemplary of cultural codes and the modes of sign production coming together to stand in for “nationalism” of lasting value.     

Soft power,ideology and symbolic manipulation in Summer Olympic Games opening ceremonies: a semiotic analysis

This paper is a semiotic analysis of Summer Olympic Games Opening ceremonies as performative texts. Owing to massive media attention, these events have become eagerly awaited global spectacles. However, with such a wide audience, the challenge is to convey both an Olympic welcome and something truly unique about the host city and nation. This creates a communication challenge and some interesting questions in terms of symbolism. Research into the content of Olympic Games ceremonies reveals an exercise both in forging internal cohesion and in projecting soft power. Soft power is an increasingly valuable currency in a multipolar world and opening ceremonies are a prime soft power opportunity. The paper seeks to uncover the ways successive Olympics Games organising committees have sought to balance the competing communicational objectives of opening ceremonies through double coding. The author considers every ceremony from Moscow 1980 to London 2012 in this comparative semiotic analysis.     

History writing and nation building in post-independence Tajikistan

Since the end of the Tajik civil war in 1997, the Tajik authorities have being seeking to instill a new national consciousness. Here the educational system plays a crucial role, not least the way history is taught. Through a state-approved history curriculum, the authorities offer a common understanding of the past that is intended to strengthen the (imagined) community of the present. In this article, we examine the set of history textbooks currently used in Tajik schools and compare them with Soviet textbooks, exploring continuities and changes in the understanding of the Tajik nation. We distinguish between changes in the perception of the national “self” and the new “other,” the Uzbeks, and introduce two intermediary categories: the Soviet/Russian heritage as an “external self” and Islam as an “internal other.” The main battle for the further delimitation of the Tajik “self” is likely to take place within the discursive gray zone between the two latter categories, where the authorities will have to find a balance between a continued secular state ideology and the heavy presence of Islam, as well as between a Soviet past and a Tajik present.     

Afghanistan: transitional justice in the midst of war

In Afghanistan, there has been much talk about, and international support for dealing with past injustices by developing transitional justice mechanisms. Reconciliation is being promoted as a nation-building strategy. This article argues that the implementation of transitional justice poses several challenges. First, a significant component of such a strategy is based on reconciliation taking place internally among competing armed groups and ethnic identities with the goal of transforming Afghan society. This assumes the cause of past conflicts to be internal and along ethnic divisions which limits the accountability for war crimes. It also considers violence and crimes of war as a thing of the past, ignoring the present situation. Furthermore, given the ongoing war between the US-led forces and the Taliban, insecurity and escalating levels of violence one has to question whether transitional justice can take place during a war. This article concludes that transitional justice is interconnected to perceptions of security and stability. The analysis of the present situation in Afghanistan poses critical questions as to whether memories of victims can be considered as the past in the midst of war.     

论尊重人权与普世价值的关系

人权的本质特征是人之为人的本质要素,即自由和平等。随着社会经济的发展和人类文明程度的提高,人权要素的内容会不断丰富。人权是以主体的人为其立足之本的。作为主体的个人为实现更多更高层次的利益诉求,结成各种不同组织体、甚至国家,赋予这些组织体享有和行使某些人权,是个体人权活动的延伸和能力的提高。"普世价值"是以特定历史时期特定的人群共同的利益需求为指向的,其目的是在更大范围内实现人的自由、平等和全面发展。本文通过三种人权主体形式及相互关系的分析,对尊重人权与普世价值的关系进行了论证。各种人权组织形式设置的目的是为个人人权服务的,民族国家是人权组织的高级形式,它应当由本民族来决定和行使,我们反对西方借人权干涉他国内政。     

论邓小平与中华民族伟大复兴

邓小平领导中国人民开创中国特色社会主义新时代,他第一个提出先"建立小康社会",然后在建国100年基本实现社会主义现代化。他开辟改革开放的中国特色社会主义道路,为实现中华民族伟大复兴奠定了正确发展方向的历史基础;创立中国特色社会主义理论体系之基的邓小平理论,为实现中华民族伟大复兴奠定了正确指导思想的历史基础;始终坚持和发展而尚未完全明确其概念的中国特色社会主义制度,为实现中华民族伟大复兴奠定了根本制度的历史基础;规划未来中国发展宏伟愿景,为实现中华民族伟大复兴奠定了正确战略目标的历史基础。     

再论"法律至上"

中共十六大政治报告中,再次把依法治国,建立社会主义法治国家作为中国共产党人在新的历史时期治国的基本方针加以确认。依法治国的理念已深入人心。而要确立依法治国的治国理念,就必须树立起法律至上的观念,它是实现现代法治的观念基础,也是评价现代民主政治国家的基本准则。对于法律至上观念的理解,不仅要从法律自身来理解,而且要从社会关系的层次上,从人们的理性选择等角度进行深层次的考虑。正试图从现代法治的理性选择的角度论证这一问题。