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161.
孟庆涛 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2001,15(5):20-21
推行厂务公开,首先必须统一思想,统一认识;在推行厂务公开的过程中,必须突出重点,抓职工群众反映强烈的热点问题;推行厂务公开要在健全制度、突出实效上下功夫. 相似文献
162.
张宝兰 《北京市工会干部学院学报》2002,(1)
当前对民主管理的制约因素可以归结为 :一个大环境———基层民主政治建设的不完善 ;两个不协调———规范职工群众和规范经营者的立法、职工主体意志的增强与其主人翁地位的失落不协调 ;三个不到位———政企分开的改革、工会地位及工会自身改革的不到位 相似文献
163.
Radoslaw Zubek 《Communist and Post》2008,41(2):147-161
A distinguishing feature of Central European polities is a strong policy-shaping role of parliaments. This article demonstrates how party political and procedural factors set the scene for the executive's loss of legislative control in Poland. Parties undermine the governmental grip because of their limited internal cohesion and competitive coalitional strategies. Parliamentary rules reinforce such party effects. The executive can shield its bills from amendments by relying mainly on partisan controls, not formal privileges. But, as an analysis of over 300 bills shows, when party discipline and coalition cooperation are in short supply, partisan controls are ineffective as instruments of legislative control. 相似文献
164.
英国是宪政文明的发祥地。在英国宪政形成的诸多因素中,盎格鲁一撒克逊时期的原始民主遗风是人们关注的焦点之一。盎格鲁一撒克逊时期英格兰国家的起源方式的特殊性使“王在法下”、政治协商和珍视个人自由权利等日耳曼原始遗风得以保留。更为重要的是,英格兰原始民主遗风的保留使王权没有发展成为压倒一切的力量,有力地推动了日后英格兰宪政的生成。 相似文献
165.
董明 《中央社会主义学院学报》2006,(1):44-48
和谐社会的目标已经成为当前中国社会的共识,在此前提下,如何切实推进这一进程就成为最重要的议题。在我国,政治发展与和谐社会能否顺利构建之间有着极大的内在关联性。政治发展既是和谐社会构建的动力之源,又是和谐社会实现的基本前提条件。 相似文献
166.
Susi Meret 《Patterns of Prejudice》2015,49(1-2):81-102
ABSTRACTResearch on the leaderships and electorates of populist right-wing parties emphasizes that most of these parties are charismatic and male-dominated, both as regards their leaderships and their voters. However, while studies about the gender gap focus mainly on demand-side factors, such as electoral support, socio-economic characteristics and the voters’ attitudes towards issues such as immigration, those that analyse the role and position of gender issues are still rare. Similarly, or even more, overlooked is an analysis of the rhetoric, style, charisma and discourse of populist female leaders, such as those representative of two now well-established Scandinavian populist right-wing parties: the Dansk Folkeparti (DF, Danish People’s Party) and Norway’s Fremskrittspartiet (FrP, Progress Party). Both parties have long been led by women although Pia Kjærsgaard of the DF recently stepped down, leaving the party leadership to Kristian Thulesen Dahl, a man of the younger generation of party members; Siv Jensen in Norway smoothly followed the long-term and charismatic leadership of Carl I. Hagen in 2006. The main focus of the paper, however, is on Pia Kjærsgaard, discussing the role gender plays in relation to her style, rhetoric and/or discursive strategies, but also in the gendered constructions featured in the Danish mainstream media. In the article, Meret also refers to the case of Marine Le Pen and the Front national (FN) in order to consider whether the Nordic cases represent a specific framework for female leadership, highly influenced by context and opportunity. 相似文献
167.
Nicholas Allen 《The Political quarterly》2015,86(1):141-145
The three televised leaders’ debates dominated the 2010 general election campaign. The House of Lords Communications Committee report on Broadcast General Election Debates is the product of a welcome but belated public inquiry into their organisation and conduct. The report is supportive of the view that ‘broadcast general election debates should take place during future campaigns’ and makes a number of cautious recommendations to the broadcasters. At the time of writing it was unclear whether the format proposed by the broadcasters for 2015 would be an improvement on that for 2010—or even if there would be any debates at all. 相似文献
168.
How voters' perceptions of junior coalition partners depend on the prime minister's position
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Recent studies document that voters infer parties' left‐right policy agreement based on governing coalition arrangements. This article extends this research to present theoretical and empirical evidence that European citizens update their perceptions of junior coalition partners' left‐right policies to reflect the policies of the prime minister's party, but that citizens do not reciprocally project junior coalition partners' policies onto the prime minister's party. These findings illuminate the simple rules that citizens employ to infer parties' policy positions, broaden understanding of how citizens perceive coalition governance and imply that ‘niche’ parties, whose electoral appeal depends upon maintaining a distinctive policy profile, assume electoral risks when they enter government. 相似文献
169.
Sean W.D. Gray 《Citizenship Studies》2015,19(5):474-491
Democratic theory hears silent citizenship as disengagement or disempowerment. Normatively, silent citizenship evokes the specter of civic passivity – of democratic citizens variably characterized by apathy, disaffection, selfishness, or a lack of political knowledge. Empirically, silent citizenship is linked to deficits of democracy – including voter turnout rates, the quality of political representation, and overall government responsiveness. One problem with these conclusions, however, is that we lack any systematic conceptualization of the range of different attitudes democratic citizens might hold in silence. This article seeks to fill in this conceptual gap by mapping the range of possible motivations for citizens to remain silent in developed liberal democratic systems. The key to doing so, I argue, is to distinguish between two measures of democratic citizenship: empowerment and communication. Separating these two measures reveals an entire spectrum of motivations for silence, which I organize into five distinct degrees of silent citizenship. 相似文献
170.
Jan Erk 《Regional & Federal Studies》2015,25(5):409-420
AbstractDecentralization reforms introduced to Africa have not always delivered the intended outcomes. Through interaction with the broader historical, political, social and economic context, reforms seem to have engendered political consequences beyond decentralization itself. Most of the literature on decentralization and development emphasizes questions of institutional design and policy, but here we expand the focus of analysis and incorporate the harder-to-pin-down political patterns marking the workings of decentralization in Africa. Through the case-studies of Ghana, Senegal, Zimbabwe, Namibia, Ethiopia and Uganda we seek to connect the debates on development with the scholarly literatures on comparative federalism, comparative decentralization and local democracy. The conclusion that emerges is that no magic formula which can turn countries into peaceful, stable and prosperous democracies overnight exists. And, importing formal institutions without regard to the local historical, political, social and economic context risks leaving us with elegant but dysfunctional iron houses in the tropical heat. 相似文献