Kingrand Hotel Beijing

正Kingrand Hotel Beijing of ers venue of more than 1,756 square meters for meetings and banquets to easily cater t your needs to hold large-scale business conferences,theme parties and other activities.Among these venues is the     

社会主义民主政治视角下网络监督的非理性隐忧及其化解——一项对系列“微博反腐”案件进行的语言与心理分析

“微博反腐”是网络监督的一种形式.本文从语言和心理的角度对近年来一系列“微博反腐”案件中转发与评论的内容进行分析后认为:“微博反腐”在成为一种新兴的外部监督方式的同时还存在一些非理性的隐患.其原因在于:微博自身及使用人群的特点,中国长期制度化监督的不足与民意的积存,集群行为的特点以及公众政治知识与民主能力和意识的欠缺.因此,通过建立和实施体制内外有效对接的制度化监督机制,规范民主程序,保障公众民主权利,推进社会主义民主的发展,重建社会价值体系等措施,可以消解网络监督非理性隐忧,使其成为一种有效的体制外监督方式.     

国际法框架下的南海合作(英文)

Pragmatic cooperation on the South China Sea between signatory states not only conforms to the common interests of all parties,but also is a legal obligation.The current threats to stability in the South China Sea require that coastal countries cooperate in environmental protection,resource utilization and conservation,disaster prevention and mitigation,and the fight against crime.Due to a variety of internal and external factors,the South China Sea has recently experienced some problems.Together,stakeholders should look for solutions and promote cooperation in fields that are not very sensitive.     

从Gubisch案看欧共体法院对国际诉讼竞合的认定

国际诉讼竞合的认定是解决国际民商事管辖权冲突的先决条件。通过对欧共体法院一则判例的分析,指出,欧共体法院对国际诉讼竞合的认定趋向于持宽松的态度,而且,这种宽松的认定方法已被目前的国际立法和司法判例所吸收和支持。     

Testing the Influence of Autocratic Leadership,Democratic Leadership,and Public Service Motivation on Citizen Ratings of An Agency Head’s Performance

Abstract

Research is lacking concerning the impact of leadership styles on citizen attitudes toward the performance of government leaders. To address this gap, an online experimental survey was conducted to determine the effect of leadership styles on respondents’ perceptions regarding a fictitious superintendent’s performance in a school district. The results demonstrate that democratic leadership practices enhanced the performance reviews of the superintendent, while autocratic leadership practices decreased them. Respondents’ level of public service motivation (PSM) was also found to have a positive effect on the superintendent’s performance ratings. Furthermore, democratic leadership style moderated the relationship between PSM and the performance ratings assigned by respondents. In particular, individuals with high PSM rated the performance of democratic leaders higher as compared to individuals with low PSM. However, autocratic leadership was not found to moderate the relationship between PSM and the superintendent’s performance. These results are thoroughly discussed in the paper.     

论行政发展的政治生态优化

管理行政是在近代民主政治的框架中形成的,以民主政治为其政治生态。政治—行政二分原则的确立既使行政在工具的意义上获得了相对于政治的独立性,又使行政必须受到政治的监督和控制。在此条件下,管理行政拥有了形式公共性。然而,随着实质公共性追求的确立,作为工具性行政的管理行政受到了挑战。在社会的高度复杂性和高度不确定性的条件下,促进合作的需要和社会治理主体的多元化等要求管理行政转变为服务行政。服务行政难以在形式民主的条件下得到实现,与之相适应的应是一种合作政治的生态。     

Marginalisation or legitimation? Mainstream party positioning on immigration and support for radical right parties

Abstract

Does mainstream party positioning contribute to marginalising or legitimising niche party positions? This article argues that voter perceptions of the legitimacy and credibility of niche party positions play a role in individuals’ propensity to vote for niche parties. It finds that the adoption of more restrictive immigration positions by mainstream parties increases the likelihood that those people who do not recognise the issue competence of radical right parties on immigration will vote radical right. However, for individuals who already perceive the radical right to be competent on immigration, mainstream party adoption of more restrictive immigration positions has no effect on propensity to vote radical right. In addition, the increase in the propensity of individuals to vote radical right is predominantly a function of mainstream left parties adopting more restrictive immigration positions. These results imply that mainstream parties risk fuelling radical right party support by adopting more restrictive immigration positions.     

The Disappearance of Political Cultures in Italy

Abstract

Following the collapse of the Italian party system in 1994, post-war Italian political cultures have all but exhausted themselves, if not disappeared completely. First, the Ulivo (Olive Tree) in 1996–1998, then, the Partito Democratico in 2007–2008, attempted without much conviction to formulate a new political culture combining several traditions and heritages. This article will explore how and why the PD failed in its attempts. It will also look at the status of other political cultures, especially the federalist and the liberal, supposedly relaunched by Berlusconi in 1994. It will conclude with some reflections on the appearance of personalist parties and leaders’ narratives and provide an assessment of the present situation with specific reference to the attempt by the PD leader, Matteo Renzi, to give birth to a so-called ‘Partito della Nazione’. Is there any future for new political cultures in the Italian political system? Will the Italian party system ever be revived?     

The enduring influence of electoral systems: investigating Green parties’ attention to local issues in parliament

Scholars argue that members of parliament (MPs) in first-past-the-post (FPTP) systems have stronger incentives to cater to their electoral district than those in proportional representation (PR) types. Yet, few studies have explored whether MPs in PR systems or MPs from small parties engage local issues in general. I build new theory and explore its support through a case study that compares Green party behaviour in an FPTP system (the UK) to a PR system (New Zealand). Results show that MPs focus on local issues in both systems, but the distribution of attention varies in ways consistent with differing electoral incentives.     

Coupling citizens and elites in deliberative systems: The role of institutional design

A significant shortcoming in contemporary deliberative systems is that citizens are disconnected from various elite sites of public deliberation. This article explores the concept of ‘coupling’ as a means to better link citizens and elites in deliberative systems. The notion of ‘designed coupling’ is developed to describe institutional mechanisms for linking otherwise disconnected deliberative sites. To consider whether it is possible and indeed desirable to use institutional design to couple different sites in a deliberative system, the article draws on insights from a case study in which a mini‐public was formally integrated into a legislative committee. The empirical study finds that it is not only feasible to couple mini‐publics to legislative committees, but when combined, the democratic and deliberative capacity of both institutions can be strengthened. To be effective, ‘designed coupling’ requires more than establishing institutional connections; it also requires that actors to step outside their comfort zone to build new relationships and engage in new communicative spaces with different sets of ideas, actors and rules. This can be facilitated by institutional design, but it also requires leaders and champions who are well‐placed to encourage actors to think differently.