建立我国民事公益诉讼制度的若干问题思考

随着我国食品安全、环境污染、公共设施致人损害等社会问题层出不穷,公共利益的保护越来越受到人们的重视,仅依靠政府管理、舆论监督以及传统的民事及行政诉讼等方式,已经不足以保护社会公众利益,更不能及时发现及解决损害公共利益的行为,如何利用有限的司法资源最大限度的保护社会公共利益,如何充分发挥和实现每一个公民保护公众利益的权利是值得我们认真思考的问题。本文拟从建立我国民事公益诉讼的几个重要问题提出设想,以期建立一种行之有效的公益保护途径。     

论微博时代民主党派的角色定位

作为一种新兴网络沟通技术手段,微博的出现改变着互联网的舆论格局,并对中国社会产生深刻的影响。微博时代已悄然来临,但作为参政党的各民主党派,在微博时代中的角色定位却仍不够清晰,并不能完全适应当前网络民主发展的需要。如何通过微博拓展民主党派政治参与的渠道,提升参政议政的能力,使之明确在微博时代中的角色定位,需要更多的思考。     

党推进文化建设的历史经验及启示——以民主革命时期为例

新民主主义革命时期，党充分认识到文化的地位和作用，将文化建设作为党领导的民主革命事业的重要组成部分，积极推动中国新文化发展的历史进程，积累了丰富的文化建设经验，主要包括：把推进文化建设作为党的一项重要历史使命：坚持以马克思主义为指导并加强党对文化建设的领导；牢牢把握中国先进文化的前进方向；制定和实行正确的文化发展方针政策；重视包括知识分子在内的文化人才队伍建设。这些历史经验为党领导社会主义文化建设奠定了坚实的基础，也给当今中国建设文化强国、促进社会主义文化大发展大繁荣以重要启示。     

夯实深化创新厂务公开、民主管理的基础

推进职代会、厂务公开建制工作,今后需要进一步做好以下几个结合:一是与建设中国特色社会主义工会理论相结合;二是与推进"两个普遍"相结合;三是与开展建制专项行动相结合;四是与贯彻执行劳动法律法规相结合;五是与建立通报和督导制度相结合。     

Voting Advice Applications and the Estimation of Party Positions – A Reliable Tool?

Data contained in Voting Advice Applications (VAA s) is not only a prerequisite for the vote recommendations they provide but can also be used for estimating party positions in low‐dimensional spaces. Given that VAA s can be designed differently in terms of their number of items and their measurement level, how much can one trust the party positions obtained from this source? We tackle this question by exploiting relevant variation in a real‐world setting: three VAA s offered at the 2017 Lower Saxony election. Despite substantial design differences, the policy spaces extracted through an inductive scaling approach are highly convergent. Simulated random item removal from the pooled dataset of all three VAA s furthermore suggests that about 40 items yield satisfactory reliability of the party positions. Finally, we find that a priori assigning VAA ‐items to ideological dimensions is potentially problematic as the interpretation of resulting party spaces may differ from the ones derived inductively.     

民主推荐中的“ABC票”模式:慎行还是叫停?

当前民主推荐实践中,"ABC票"模式在部分地区和部门很是常见,对此模式的讨论,人们也是众说纷纭、褒贬不一。不良动机下的"ABC票"模式不益采用,良好动机下的"ABC票"模式在实施的过程中,则需要多方考虑,认真研究,科学论证,准确识别干部,提高选拔质量。     

Raising a big tent: Internal party composition and leadership selectorate expansion

The trend amongst many parties toward the inclusion of rank-and-file members in the leadership selection process has often been attributed to opposition status and electoral defeat. However, these explanations are typical events for parties and hardly seem sufficient for party elites to willingly cede their authority over the selection of party leaders. This paper proposes that the electoral regionalization of the party contributes to the decision to expand the leadership selectorate. In the event a party is defeated to an extent in which their support is reduced to its regional base, this situation necessitates the bringing in of new voices to avoid further marginalization. This paper finds that regionalization plays a significant role in the decision of parties to expand leadership selectorates and that the role of opposition status and electoral setbacks have been overstated.     

保障当事人诉讼权利的基本课题

在司法文明指数报告中,考察当事人诉讼权利的基本思路,包括设计二级指标和测试题目两方面内容。通过分析指数报告,可以发现当事人诉讼权利的保障情况总体不佳。保障当事人诉讼权利,应当强调发挥法院的作用;而未来改革的基本课题,包括如何防止权力主体滥用自由裁量权,以及如何为权力主体依法行使职权提供必要的外部保障。     

论隐性加班及其法律规制

管理和科技的进步促进了企业效率的提升，然而这非但没有使普通劳动者从烦冗的劳动中得到 解脱，反而加剧了隐性加班带来的困扰。在这一现象背后，劳动者在非工作时间依然持续地承受着工作上的负担, 使其个人生活逐渐陷入物化的处境，工作与生活之间的冲突日渐加剧。研究认为，在资本与科技的相互交织之下, 法定的工时标准及其民主管理方式逐渐被重塑和弱化，制度的漏洞又在现实中降低了加班的法律保障力度。这 些因素共同构成了隐性加班泛滥的成因。研究建议，对隐性加班的法律规制，应当以规范雇主权力的运行为核心, 妥善处理职工民主管理与企业劳动管理之间的关系，并确定合理的加班认定标准，从而促进劳动者工作与生活 的平衡。     

The dilemmas of pursuing ‘throughput legitimacy’ through participatory mechanisms

Under pressure to open up the ‘black box’ of governance, technocratic bodies are increasingly seeking to include civil society participation in the policy process. This article draws on empirical cases from the European Commission and NHS England to assess the extent to which the participatory mechanisms pursued by these institutions have been successful in eliciting ‘throughput legitimacy’. It is shown that though these mechanisms have taken very different forms – the former a classic instance of ‘window dressing’ participation, the latter closer to ‘best practice’ in this field – they nevertheless share a number of ongoing vulnerabilities. The article outlines the shared organisational, operational and existential dilemmas that technocratic bodies face when eliciting civil society participation, and highlight their reliance on backstage negotiation to sustain stakeholder buy-in. It concludes by highlighting the prospect that the pursuit of throughput legitimacy for technocratic bodies entails inherent limitations and contradictions.