全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1230篇 |
免费 | 11篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 31篇 |
工人农民 | 41篇 |
世界政治 | 24篇 |
外交国际关系 | 86篇 |
法律 | 433篇 |
中国共产党 | 54篇 |
中国政治 | 140篇 |
政治理论 | 59篇 |
综合类 | 373篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 7篇 |
2023年 | 9篇 |
2022年 | 2篇 |
2021年 | 10篇 |
2020年 | 32篇 |
2019年 | 27篇 |
2018年 | 19篇 |
2017年 | 41篇 |
2016年 | 34篇 |
2015年 | 30篇 |
2014年 | 73篇 |
2013年 | 102篇 |
2012年 | 113篇 |
2011年 | 93篇 |
2010年 | 70篇 |
2009年 | 75篇 |
2008年 | 63篇 |
2007年 | 70篇 |
2006年 | 71篇 |
2005年 | 54篇 |
2004年 | 78篇 |
2003年 | 55篇 |
2002年 | 51篇 |
2001年 | 34篇 |
2000年 | 17篇 |
1997年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 3篇 |
1994年 | 1篇 |
1992年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 1篇 |
1986年 | 1篇 |
1985年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有1241条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
271.
论谈判在人质危机处置中的作用 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
警方为有效地处置人质危机,恢复平稳的社会治安状态,必须充分利用谈判这一极其重要的手段。文章从和平解决、稳定势态、搜集信息及评估形势、施加影响和干扰、为使用武力进行处置创造条件等五个方面阐述了谈判在人质危机处置中的作用。 相似文献
272.
吴述裕 《中共山西省委党校学报》2012,(4):114-117
在当前各种思潮相互激荡、信仰危机日益凸显的情况下,哲学社会科学所担负的任务将更加艰巨,而党校独特的政治、人才、系统优势使其成为推动哲学社会科学繁荣发展的重要力量。因此,党校应主动适应新形势、新任务的要求,通过以下三个方面发挥自身优势,为繁荣发展哲学社会科学作出新贡献:一是加强哲学社会科学研究,发挥"思想库"作用;二是加强教研人才队伍建设,发挥"生力军"作用;三是大力提高教学培训质量,发挥"主阵地"作用。 相似文献
273.
李丽苗 《山西青年管理干部学院学报》2012,25(3):61-62
政治体制改革是我国社会现代化转型的重要组成部分之一。中国政治体制改革的启动是政治支持和经济体制改革的结果,同时也在公民社会的出现、全球化竞争加剧等因素的推动下开始步入正轨。对中国政治体制改革的动力进行探究,有助于我们理解中国政治体制改革的必要性与紧迫性。 相似文献
274.
李瑞生 《新疆警官高等专科学校学报》2012,32(3):20-24
危险驾驶罪包括两种行为:在道路上醉酒驾驶机动车和驾驶机动车追逐竞驶。醉驾是抽象危险犯,只要实施醉酒驾驶行为,立法就推定危险状态已经存在,彰显的是行为无价值。我国刑法的醉驾归属于形式犯,而非实质犯。在道路上驾驶机动车追逐竞驶,情节恶劣的,是具体的危险犯,突出的是结果无价值。 相似文献
275.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(5):723-747
Although inward foreign direct investment (FDI) has many benefits for a country as a whole, like trade, it is a source of competition for producers in the host country, with concomitant effects on labor markets. The entrance of foreign multinationals increases demand for skilled labor at the expense of unskilled labor, and also increases the elasticity of demand for labor because multinationals are able to shift production across borders. This raises the question of whether or not labor has an impact on policy toward inward FDI. I suggest that organized labor is a key determinant of the influence of labor on inward FDI restrictions. Not only do unions mitigate the collective action problem facing labor, but unionized workers, regardless of skill level, have incentives to support restrictions on inward FDI because rising elasticity of demand restricts bargaining power. I expect that higher levels of unionization will lead to greater restrictions on inward FDI. I find support for this hypothesis in an analysis of U.S. industry-level formal restrictions on inward FDI between 1981 and 2000. Industry skill intensity, a proxy for the distributional consequences of FDI for labor, does not explain variation in barriers to inward FDI, suggesting that the confluence of interests and influence is necessary for labor to influence policy. 相似文献
276.
Vladimir Rauta 《Southeast European and Black Sea Studies》2016,16(1):91-111
AbstractThis article interrogates the role of non-state armed actors in the Ukrainian civil conflict. The aim of this article is twofold. First, it seeks to identify the differences between the patterns of military intervention in Crimea (direct, covert intervention), and those in the South-East (mixed direct and indirect – proxy – intervention). It does so by assessing the extent of Russian troop involvement and that of external sponsorship to non-state actors. Second, it puts forward a tentative theoretical framework that allows distinguishing between the different outcomes the two patterns of intervention generate. Here, the focus is on the role of non-state actors in the two interventionist scenarios. The core argument is that the use of non-state actors is aimed at sovereign defection. The article introduces the concept of sovereign defection and defines it as a break-away from an existing state. To capture the differences between the outcomes of the interventions in Crimea and South-East, sovereign defection is classified into two categories: inward and outward. Outward sovereign defection is equated to the territorial seizure of the Crimean Peninsula by Russian Special Forces, aided by existing criminal gangs acting in an auxiliary capacity. Inward sovereign defection refers to the external sponsorship of the secessionist rebels in South-East Ukraine and their use as proxy forces with the purpose of creating a political buffer-zone in the shape of a frozen conflict. To demonstrate these claims, the article analyses the configuration of the dynamics of violence in both regions. It effectively argues that, in pursuing sovereign defection, the auxiliary and proxy forces operate under two competing dynamics of violence, delegative and non-delegative, with distinct implications to the course and future of the conflict. 相似文献
277.
WANG Yaohai 《浙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2016,(2):61-66
In the era to comprehensively advance the rule of law, the good law theory in Mao Zedong’s article How Shangyang Established Credit has important theoretical and practical significance. It is argued in Mao’s article that the law is a tool to seek happiness for the people. Good law is to punish the wicked and protect the people, reinforce the prosperity of the country, establish prestige and save resources. The standard of legislation is in that the public accept and abide by the law. However, a good law is not to be immediately accepted by people and the state power is usually necessary to work as the medium and function with critical force in which the breakthrough point is found and the critical point is set so that the people are enlightened to promote the establishing and realization of the good law. 相似文献
278.
This research note focuses on Switzerland's relationship with the EU, and the role direct democracy plays in this relationship. Specifically, the research question asked is whether behaviour on the part of the campaigners can be understood through the lens of Riker's so‐called dominance principle: “when one side successfully wins the argument on an issue, the other side ceases to discuss it” (Riker 1993: 81). One corollary of the dominance principle is that there will tend to be a concentration on a smaller and smaller number of arguments over the course of a campaign, because campaigners are induced to focus on a small subset of issues, their “winning issues”. On the basis of a data set consisting of campaign advertisements appearing in Swiss newspapers in the four‐week periods before the EU‐related 1992, 2000 and 2001 votes, the analysis actually shows little evidence of any concentration of arguments. The research note concludes by considering some implication of this for Swiss direct democracy. 相似文献
279.
Dieser Beitrag analysiert die Varianzen der quantifizierbaren Staatstätigkeit in den 26 Schweizer Kantonen der 1980er und 1990er Jahre. Im Mittelpunkt der erklärenden Grssen stehen dabei Formen der Verhandlungsdemokratie, insbesondere der Konkordanz, dezentraler Entscheidungsstrukturen und direktdemokratischer Beteiligungsrechte. Wir zeigen, dass die Erweiterung des Konzeptes der Verhandlungsdemokratie auf weitere Staatsorgane neben der Regierung zur analytischen Unschärfe fhrt, da die verschiedenen Ausprägungen der politischen Machtteilung mit unterschiedlichen Wirkungen auf den Umfang des ffentlichen Sektors verbunden sind. Während die Konkordanz im Sinne der parteifrmigen Organisation politischer und sozialer Konflikte tendenziell die staatliche Intervention begnstigt, zgeln konstitutionelle Vetospieler die Staatstätigkeit, indem direktdemokratische Mitwirkung und dezentrale Machtteilung dem Staat Fesseln auf der Einnahmen‐und Ausgabenseite anlegen. 相似文献
280.
《Safundi: The Journal of South African and American Studies》2013,14(1):75-100
This study compares the American and South African security responses to perceived communist-inspired insurgencies—the American Indian Movement in the USA and the United Democratic Front/African National Congress in South Africa. In each instance, the governments employed third force techniques by utilizing surrogates, informants, provocateurs, and hit squads. As a result, these official entities became complicit in the criminal political violence that ravaged the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation, KwaZulu-Natal, and the Rand townships between 1973 and 1994. This study also examines how investigative commissions in each country endeavored to expose official misconduct and hold these agencies accountable for their actions. Despite the differences in the scale of each insurgency as well as the overall purpose of each counterinsurgency campaign, this article finds common ground in the rationale, implementation, and effects of the security responses in each country. 相似文献