Signed but Not Ratified: Limits to U.S. Participation in International Environmental Agreements

Why does the United States sign environmental treaties but not ratify them? U.S. presidents have negotiated and signed several environmental treaties that ultimately could not obtain Senate ratification. This article considers two alternative explanations. First, presidents may face divided government and upcoming elections; elections can increase uncertainty regarding ratification, because they upset majorities and change congressional preferences on issues. Such factors may have caused “involuntary” defection from international environmental cooperation. Second, compensation and compromise on enabling legislation could satisfy enough senators and their constituents to allow the legislation's passage. Failure to secure ratification may be a result of the president's overestimating the potential for negotiating a policy package capable of creating sufficient support to obtain Senate ratification. I compare domestic constraints on U.S. participation in three international environmental negotiations—climate change, biodiversity, and chemicals—to assess the alternative explanations. The cases exemplify how domestic institutions affect international environmental cooperation.     

警察干预家庭暴力模式的构建——国外、境外的经验与我们的选择

警察是干预家庭暴力的重要职能主体之一,但目前我国还缺乏明确的警察干预家庭暴力的模式和规范。目前国外、境外警察干预家庭暴力的主要模式有三种,即积极介入、限制介入和法定介入。确定我国警察干预家庭暴力的模式面临着法定职责与法定措施不对应、警察权介入家庭暴力的限度定位不明确、缺乏充足的社会支持以及警察自身对干预家庭暴力的态度不够积极等四个方面的困境。综合我国有关家庭暴力的立法和社会文化背景等因素,我国警察干预家庭暴力应采取法定介入和社区警务相结合的模式,并应制定详细的规范操作流程。     

Male Perpetrators of Domestic Violence: How Should We Hold Them to Account?

Domestic violence is now widely acknowledged as being a significant social, health and legal issue. At both a national and transnational level governments have sought to develop strategies built upon prevention, support for victims and holding perpetrators to account through criminal justice sanctions. However, the current paradigm that informs the policy response to most perpetrators of domestic violence has failed to deliver the outcomes required, in terms of a reduction in levels of recidivism or the improved safety of women and children. It is argued that holding men to account through external controls has failed and that interventions should support men to take responsibility for their own behaviour.     

行政壁垒、市场分割对区域协调发展的影响分析——以西北五省(区)为例

文章首先对行政壁垒、市场分割对区域协调发展的影响进行理论分析,然后重点实证分析了2002—2011年西北5省区之间行政壁垒、市场分割对西北地区协调发展的影响状况。结果表明:虽然西北5省区经济趋同明显,但行政壁垒显著阻碍了各省区经济合作,长期看不利于西北5省区经济的协调发展。据此,提出西北地区应采取三步走的策略,逐步推进市场一体化进程,促进区域协调发展的实现。     

A feminist challenge to the gendered politics of the public/private divide: on due diligence,domestic violence,and citizenship

This article examines the feminist appropriation of the legal principle of due diligence to politicize acts of violence at the hands of private actors within the private sphere. This move expanded traditional notions of state responsibility for violence against women under international human rights law. Using frame analysis, we focus on the institutionalization of this feminist understanding of due diligence through its discursive incorporation in international human rights policy documents and its mobilization in cases of domestic violence litigated within the UN and the Inter-American and European human rights systems. Through this discursive framing work and its institutionalization, feminists have challenged the gendered politics of the public/private divide to change the terms on which differently positioned women can engage with the state and global governance institutions. We argue that this change can potentially reconfigure women's state-bounded and transnational citizenship. The implications of due diligence as a political and sociological concept require more careful consideration by citizenship and human rights scholars.     

Clarifying the Effects of Neighborhood Context on Violence “Behind Closed Doors”

Research on neighborhood-level effects on intimate partner violence (IPV) has expanded significantly in the past two decades. However, to date, studies have been unable to disentangle compositional and contextual effects on IPV and have rarely considered the social mechanisms that might link neighborhood conditions to IPV. Using data from the Project on Human Development in Chicago Neighborhoods, this study considers individual and contextual influences on violence between partners, and examines the effects of disadvantage and collective efficacy on this type of behavior. Results indicate that neighborhood disadvantage significantly increases and collective efficacy significantly decreases IPV after controlling for individual-level correlates. Our findings add to a growing body of evidence suggesting that as with street crime, neighborhood disadvantage also exacerbates rates of IPV. However, unlike street crime, the impact of disadvantage on IPV does not appear to be mediated by collective efficacy. Understanding how collective efficacy affects violence between partners remains an open issue.     

Legislative Analysis of China＇s Exploitation in International Seabed Area

“区域”开发对国家具有重要的战略意义,但我国缺乏调整“区域”开发的国内立法。法律的缺失于我国“区域”开发的发展不利,也无助于我国在国际海底管理局及有关规章的制定中发挥更大作用,更有可能引发国家责任。以《联合国海洋法公约》为主体的“区域”法律制度,为我国“区域”开发立法提供了法律依据,也为我国“区域”开发立法应遵循的原则提供了指引。采用专门立法来调整“区域”内的活动是国际上通行的模式,也更加符合我国的实际情况,因而应为我国所采纳,以推动我国履行该《公约》赋予的义务,提升我国在“区域”国际法规则制定中的话语权,规范我国在“区域”内的活动,维护与拓展我国在“区域”的利益。     

社会性别主流化理念与我国反家暴立法

社会性别主流化是联合国推动性别平等、性别公正的主要战略,强调国家立法和政府决策应遵循社会性别平等理念;社会性别主流化追求"性别平等"是对传统"男女平等"的提升,是男女平等的实现保障;社会性别主流化理念在我国反家暴立法中已有初步尝试,并面临诸多障碍;应继续坚持社会性别主流化理念,立足社会性别平等立场,检视现行反家暴法律规范,正视女性的弱势地位,推动我国反家暴立法进程。     

论家庭性暴力的性质及法律责任

对在婚姻关系处于非正常状态时发生的性暴力行为,当其情节恶劣、损害后果严重时,应当认定为强奸罪,被告人应承担刑事责任;而对于夫妻关系处于正常状态,妻子基于正当理由拒绝丈夫的性要求,丈夫违背妻子的意愿强行发生性行为的性暴力,给妻子造成了身体上的伤害时,应当定性为民事侵权行为,无论当事人是否提起离婚诉讼,过错方配偶应当承担侵权责任。     

防治家庭暴力应重视道德调适

家庭暴力的危害十分严重,导致其发生的一个重要原因就是当事人道德观念落后、道格人格缺失以及社会道德调控缺乏.因此,防治家庭暴力应重视道德调适,要弘扬传统伦理道德精华,加强社会主义精神文明建设,营造文明的社区环境,增强人们的家庭和社会责任感.