从历史目的论到历史科学

历史唯物主义的产生 ,标志着历史科学的真正确立。它虽然把人的自由和解放当作历史发展的理想 ,但是 ,却远远超出了康德等人对社会历史的理解 ,因为它所提出的共产主义不仅仅是一个空洞的理想 ,一种应当 ,而是基于一定的历史规律的现实的历史目标。历史唯物主义不仅使社会主义理论从空想变成了科学 ,而且是对康德式的历史目的论思维方式的真正扬弃。     

高职刑法教材内容体系构建之探索

高职刑法教材内容体系的构建应适应高等职业教育所强调的理论知识传授以"必需、够用为度",突出职业性和应用技能培养的要求.     

Populism in the Manifestos of Latvian Political Parties: Increasingly Used but Ineffective?

It is often stated that we live in an era of populist zeitgeist, namely, that populism today has become part of everyday politics. Despite systematic attempts to investigate the validity of this claim in Western European democracies, the situation in the Baltic states has been overlooked. This article marks the first attempt to investigate the dynamics of populism in the Latvian party manifestos by using novel research methodology to quantitatively estimate how populist Latvian political parties have become over an extensive period of time. Our findings reveal that in the last two decades populism has indeed become more widespread in Latvian party manifestos, yet it does not seem to be very effective and is largely primarily used by electorally unsuccessful parties.     

高校青年志愿服务课程化研究——基于现代课程理论视角

高校青年志愿服务课程化是指在大课程观的指导下,建立一种由显性和隐性两大类,学科、活动、环境三大课程板块构成的课程体系,学科课程作为基础,活动课程作为核心,环境课程作为重要补充。高校青年志愿服务课程化在思想认识、资源支持、系统管理等方面存在困难,只有正确认识课程化,成立课程实践指导委员会,实施协调共进运行模式,建立课程化网络平台,才能促进我国高校青年志愿服务走向规范化、专业化、长期化。     

行政执法程序抗辩权之内在制度构建探析

行政执法程序抗辩权的内在制度构建是指其作为一个有机系统所应当包含的内在因素,它既是一项系统工程,也是现代行政法治的必然要求。当前,我国行政执法程序抗辩权之内在制度构建的主要路径在于:在范围上,必须明确与拓展行政执法程序抗辩权适用的范围以及规定适用行政执法程序抗辩权的例外情形;在内容上,应当包括辩解权、质证权以及反驳权;在形式上,行政执法程序抗辩权的行使存在直接形式与间接形式、口头形式与书面形式;在效力上,行政主体必须按抗辩笔录作出决定、必须采纳合法或正当的方式抗辩以及对抗辩不能加重处罚。     

指纹类专家辅助人出庭的必要性与质证技术研究

由于指纹鉴定中错误鉴定、标准不一、管理混乱等问题日益突显，指纹类专家辅助人出庭就指纹鉴定的技术性问题与鉴定人展开辩论以充分证明鉴定意见的可靠性或不可靠性，这就显得十分必要。指纹类专家辅助人必须具备一定的资格才能选任，并被赋予一定的诉讼权利才能充分地准备质证。在庭审中，指纹类专家辅助人应当就指纹鉴定的程序性规范与鉴定依据的科学性、可靠性两个方面的具体内容对个案的指纹鉴定展开质证。     

(In)civility and online deliberation: readers’ reactions to race-related news stories

Reacting to an increase in gratuitous racist and sexist comments made by readers in response to online articles, media outlets in South Africa have begun closing down their comments sections, an action that has been repeated many times over across the globe. After a particularly abusive tirade against a young women who wrote an article about being black in Cape Town, Independent Media established an advisory panel in 2014 to investigate the nature of user-generated content (UGC) on their news site, Independent Online (IOL). One of the panel’s recommendations was that what is meant by “uncivil” discourse on online news sites be delineated more accurately and narrowly. Employing computer-mediated discourse analysis, we explore the nature of civility and incivility generated by readers of online news. We look at readers’ posts in response to race-based topics and uncover the complexities inherent in describing both (in)civility and deliberative discourse precisely. Our sample is drawn from the South African newspaper Mail & Guardian Online, one of the few national media establishments that permitted user comments during our data collection phase.     

Decentralized Governance under Centralized Party Rule in Ethiopia: The Tigray Experience

Abstract

In the mid-1990s Ethiopia adopted a federal constitution promising regional autonomy and the creation and strengthening of local government units below the regional level. Some observers attribute the various shortcomings of Ethiopian federalism that have emerged since then to the original institutional/constitutional design. This paper, however, argues that what is not in the constitution has come to influence the workings of decentralization more than what is codified in it. The dominant national party in power, the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), either directly or through affiliates, controls political office at all levels of government, thereby limiting the room for local initiative and autonomy. The presence of a national dominant party limits the responsiveness and downward accountability of Wereda (district) authorities; it also undermines political competition, and by extension, good governance at the grassroots level. The paper is based on field research carried out in the Tigray regional state of Ethiopia. The conclusion is that when one party dominates the politics of the region and its institutions, extra-constitutional intra-party politics determine how things work, thereby subjugating localities’ autonomy and impeding their ability to deliver on promises of decentralization.     

Interactivity and Branding: Public Political Communication as a Marketing Tool

Online platforms are increasingly used as a means to present brand characteristics to key target groups. Within a political context, websites can act as a shop front from which parties or candidates can advertise their policies and personnel. The increasing use of more interactive forms of communication informs visitors about the overall brand character of the host. This article explores the impact on branding of interactivity by analyzing the online activities undertaken by UK parties and their members elected to the House of Commons during the period 2007 to 2010. Through a process of creating narratives for each of the brands analyzed, based upon a content analysis of the websites and other online presences, this article identifies what characteristics the online shop front is designed to project. This article finds overall that interactivity within online environments is becoming one aspect of the branding of parties, though this is in limited forms and linked more to a marketing communication strategy than seeking to involve or understand site visitors. Members of Parliament who use social networking sites or weblogs, in contrast, have a developed i-branding strategy that enables them to present a strongly interactive brand personality to visitors to their online presences, offering impressions of them as accessible and effective representatives.