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921.
通过建立民营企业与国有企业间存在信贷歧视的动态随机一般均衡模型,考察金融冲击的宏观经济效应。研究结果表明,尽管积极性金融冲击有助于实现宏观经济稳定,但信贷歧视削弱了积极性金融冲击的宏观经济效应,忽略信贷歧视评价金融冲击的影响将导致结论偏误。在此基础上,进一步考虑了由信贷歧视引致的产能过剩问题的影响。结果显示,产能过剩进一步削弱了积极性金融冲击的实际效应,并扩大了其对通胀等名义变量的影响。而二阶矩分析的结果则表明,信贷歧视以及由信贷歧视引致的产能过剩加剧了宏观经济波动,降低了实际变量的持续性,同时提高了通胀惯性的影响。因此,为有效发挥积极性金融冲击的作用,稳定宏观经济,需要采用相关政策有效缓解信贷歧视以及产能过剩问题。  相似文献   
922.
Abstract

This paper analyses the various power relations that shape forest policy and governance reform in Indonesia. It applies Foucault’s theories on power to several key initiatives introduced as part of REDD+ (Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation). By analysing both the operation and the effects of power relations the paper accounts for how competing actors influence major policy change, and the impact different policies have on governing multiple forest users. Sovereign and disciplinary power underpins government attempts to implement new regulatory, planning and enforcement functions across the forest estate. Policy instruments such as the concession moratorium create securitised territorial zones that enable sustainable forest practices to operate. By contrast, forest management units operate through inclusive strategies that discipline forest users into responsible managers, whilst enforcement excludes those who contravene the law. Productive power and resistance explain efforts by government and non-government actors to progress or limit REDD+. Productive power operates through the multiple activities that generate new knowledge on incentivising carbon, and by engaging new subjects in carbon projects. Community resistance draws on discourses and localised subjectivities focussed on forest dependency and rights, whereas industry networks have been adept at positioning REDD+ as a threat to national development.  相似文献   
923.
This article analyses Salud y Sanidad (Health and Sanitation), a government journal edited in 1930s Colombia. It examines the state's model of public health, which proposed education and prevention as strategies to guarantee the success of its programmes. It argues that despite the journal's more progressive approaches, editors and contributors reproduced stereotypes about Colombia's rural inhabitants that contradicted state rhetoric and showed the limits of public health models that do not address the underlying social inequities that drive the propagation of poverty and disease in rural areas, and that ultimately continued to blame victims for their illness and misfortune  相似文献   
924.
通过对指数报告进行统计数据和测试题目两个层面的分析,可以发现司法改革方案需要注意的几个问题:司法改革方案的整体性、配套性、正当性、有效性的改革方向和更多的具体课题,应充分考虑地方性的特殊因素,确保司法改革方案的讨论、确定程序的参与性。  相似文献   
925.
In late 2008, as negotiations between the Israelis and the Palestinians faltered, the US directed the Jenin Initiative on the ground in the West Bank. Designed to inspire confidence in Washington’s security-driven ‘West Bank First’ strategy, the Jenin Initiative married economic development to security sector reform under the Palestinian Authority. Drawing on the perspectives of those responsible for implementing the Jenin Initiative, this article reveals how counterinsurgency doctrine transplanted from the ‘war on terror’ shaped US interventions that built capacity in the Palestinian Authority. The Jenin Initiative exposes the extent of US intervention to create an effective apparatus of Palestinian self-policing to enhance – but not replace – that of the Israeli occupation.  相似文献   
926.
晚近,中美作为非同质的两个世界大国,新兴的一方与守成的另一方发生了巨大的权力变迁,相应地,双方在国际经贸领域的收益分配也出现了反转的态势,同时中美形成的激烈经济与战略竞争使得双方经贸关系"政治化"更加明显。缘此,中美之间的既有经贸关系正面临着前所未有的变动压力,或已难以完全固守普适于各国的统一"规则",客观上需要引入一种可适时而变的专门"契约"加以修补,借以寻求双方之间收益分配的再平衡。  相似文献   
927.
在我国开启现代化国家建设的新发展阶段,构建"双循环"的新发展格局不仅需要经济上的谋划,也需要相关法律制度的有力推动。其中,经济法作为典型的"发展促进法",对"双循环"的四大环节及其赖以存续的现代化经济体系,均具有重要影响。通过审视经济法对"双循环"的促进和保障,有助于揭示"新发展格局—新发展理念—发展型法治"的内在关联,以及更为具体的"问题—价值—制度"之间的逻辑联系,由此可以说明构建与新发展格局相应的"发展型法治"的必要性和可行性,以及在制度建设方面应兼顾的"安全与发展"价值,从而不断推进发展导向型的良法善治,这尤其有助于推进我国整体法治的完善,丰富法治理论和经济法的相关理论,推动新兴的"发展法学"的构建。  相似文献   
928.
Since 1997, the United Kingdom’s territorial constitution has undergone an immense process of change and has resulted in the establishment of separate legislatures and governments for the peoples of Scotland, Wales and, when Stormont is operational, Northern Ireland. These changes have spawned a whole series of relationships between the institutions of the devolved UK, at executive, legislature and civil service levels. However, while intergovernmental relations has been the subject of repeated debate, there has been little attempt to document and examine the way in which the UK’s four legislatures interact with one another, post-devolution. To the extent that these interactions, otherwise known as inter-parliamentary relations (IPR), have been the subject of scrutiny, it has been largely to bemoan their modest state and/or to suggest that stronger, albeit occasionally rather unelaborated, mechanisms be established. This article seeks to correct this deficit and provide a first step towards a clearer understanding of IPR in the UK, post-devolution. The article breaks the different levels of IPR down into three main strands: (1) parliament-parliament, (2) committee-committee and (3) official-official, and suggests that the main interactions that take place at each of these levels. Following this audit, the article concludes by highlighting the role that shared policy competence (a field that is set to grow with the UK’s withdrawal from the European Union) has played in driving IPR in the UK, post-devolution, and suggests some steps that may be taken to enhance IPR in the future.  相似文献   
929.
《中共中央关于全面深化改革若干重大问题的决定》第36条专门部署"加强反腐败体制机制创新和制度保障",充分表明其在全面深化改革大局中的重要地位。反腐败体制机制创新和制度保障可分解为相辅相成、各有侧重的三个方面——反腐败体制创新、反腐败机制创新与反腐败制度保障,它们分别指向"谁反腐败"、"怎么反腐败"、"凭什么反腐败"这三个问题。加强反腐败体制机制创新和制度保障是一项系统工程,需要突出纪律检查体制机制改革这个重点,强化法治在反腐败中的重要作用。  相似文献   
930.
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