党的三代领导集体对党际关系理论的探讨与实践

党的三代中央领导集体对党际关系进行了深入的理论探讨和伟大的实践:毛泽东坚持以独立自主为核心的党际关系原则,开创了我党同其他政党交往的历史;邓小平在和平与发展成为时代主题的条件下,实现了党际关系的历史性跨越;江泽民提出了世界多样性思想,使政党外交以独特的方式为我国的发展作出了贡献。     

青年公益性社会品牌塑造规律研究

服务青年的广泛需求并引导青年服务公众的基本需求是青年社会团体的生存发展之路。精神文明领域中的公益服务领域应该是青年社会团体发挥作用的主要领域。动员、吸纳和运用社会资源,采用办事业和项目化的方式,集中力量塑造青年公益性社会品牌,是青年社会团体形成核心竞争力,发挥应有作用的重要途径。     

传媒文化变迁与新闻编辑知识和能力的优化

网络技术的发展促使媒体生态环境和基本格局已经并正在发生重大变化,媒体逐渐走向融合。为了应对竞争,媒体采用了编辑中心制,新闻编辑成为媒体竞争的漩涡中心。目前,中国媒体合格的编辑人才储备还远远不能满足媒体领域的需求,其原因是过去单一媒介模式下的编辑知识结构与能力结构已不能满足媒体融合时代对编辑人才的要求。因此,优化新闻编辑的知识结构和能力结构显得十分重要。     

Discourse Categories in Encounters Between Palestinians and Israelis

The discourse in encounter groups between Jewish and Palestinian Israeli citizens was analyzed to investigate factors that promoted or hindered understanding between conflict groups. A typology of seven categories, ordered on a scale from monologues that do not meet to affective and cognitive understanding, was used. A histogram presented percents of speech categories per encounter. Qualitative and quantitative methods exposed factors influencing group processes. Changes in speech categories were chaotic, as opposed to linear. Analysis showed an interaction between the pressure of the conflict reality outside and the internal group process. This article addresses the theoretical question of the goal of intergroup encounters.     

中国企业集团文化建设与凝聚力研究

企业集团凝聚力的缺乏已经成为我国企业集团进一步发展的严重障碍 ,而企业集团凝聚力的缺乏在很大程度上也反映了企业集团文化建设的薄弱。因此 ,从企业集团文化建设入手 ,增强企业集团凝聚力 ,可使企业集团真正成为市场经济海洋中的航空母舰 ,成为各地经济的支柱和发展的龙头     

Media and the politics of belonging: Sudanese Australians,letters to the editor and the new integrationism

Nolan, Burgin, Farquharson and Marjoribanks focus on media as a significant site through which a politics of belonging is played out, focusing particularly on coverage of Sudanese Australians. To this end, they analyse letters to the editor that concern Sudanese Australians in three Victorian newspapers in 2007, a highly significant year in which this group became the focus of significant levels of (predominantly negative) media coverage. Through textual and thematic analysis, the authors demonstrate how such letters worked to reiterate and extend a politics of ‘integrationism’ that, without entirely departing from Australia's commitment to multiculturalism, has rearticulated the latter along neo-assimilationist lines. In doing so, they show how, in many letters, Sudanese Australians are problematized for their failure or refusal to ‘integrate’ in ways that involve an explicit or implicit process of racialization. In the process, the article also critically considers the important role performed by media in the politics of belonging, particularly through their reiteration and contestation of the politics of race and multiculturalism in Australia. Rather than simply a matter of reproducing a hegemonic politics, it shows how such processes, despite the marked limitations of their framing within a ‘race debate’, also serve to demonstrate significant fault lines in the politics of belonging.     

Balancing inside and outside lobbying: The political strategies of lobbyists at global diplomatic conferences

This article seeks to explain the use of inside and outside lobbying by organised interests at global diplomatic conferences. At first sight, the lobbying at these venues is puzzling as it does not seem to be a very fruitful way to acquire influence. The use of outside strategies especially is perplexing because most aspects of international negotiations fall outside of the purview of national constituencies. It is argued in this article, however, that the presence of outside lobbying is not so puzzling if lobbying is seen both as a way to attain influence and as a way to pursue organisational maintenance goals. Empirically, the article draws on interview data with 232 interest group representatives that participated at either the 2012 session of the World Trade Organization (WTO) Ministerial Conference in Geneva, or the 2011 (Durban) and 2012 (Doha) United Nations Climate Conferences. The analysis demonstrates that organisational needs, and especially the competition actors face in obtaining resources, significantly affects the relative focus of organised interests on inside and outside lobbying.     

An Assessment of Juvenile Drug Courts’ Knowledge of Evidence‐Based Practices,Data Collection,and the Use of AA/NA

The use of evidence‐based practices (EBPs) has become a core component of juvenile drug courts (JDCs). This research, using a sample of JDCs listed with the National Association of Drug Court Professionals, tests two current assumptions in the field: 1) many JDCs do not use or are unaware of their use of EBPs and 2) JDCs tend to overuse sober support groups (e.g., AA/NA), which are thought to be inappropriate for youth. Results suggest that nearly all JDCs, in the sample, reported using EBPs; however, only about a quarter of them collected treatment data and knew the outcomes of the data. Also, only about half of the JDCs use sober support groups (predominantly AA/NA), and nearly all of the sober support groups were tailored toward youth. Overall, these findings suggest that the current assumptions in the field do not accurately reflect the practices reported by these JDCs. Implications are discussed.     

A Social Movement Theory Typology of Militant Organisations: Contextualising Terrorism

Typologies are ubiquitous in terrorism studies, illustrating their continued appeal as a tool to further our understanding of this form of political violence. Despite this, to date, the promise of an empirically derived typology has largely been neglected. In addressing this gap, this article sets out a typology developed from Social Movement Theory. Using a novel statistical technique to derive a three-dimensional framework for categorising militant groups, the typology incorporates both organisational characteristics and the wider political context. The result is a typology defined by three conceptual constructs: political capacity, war-making capacity, and network capacity. Alongside these organisational features, imposing measures of the wider political opportunity structure reveals eight types of militant organisation. To explore the utility of the framework, a preliminary analysis interprets the typology in light of the presence of wider conflict. That a robust relationship is found between the various types and whether groups were operating in peacetime, civil war, or low-intensity conflict, goes some way to demonstrating its utility as an analytical tool. Conclusions draw attention to the importance of contextualising militant groups in their socio-political setting, and the benefits of combining theory alongside empirical analysis to develop robust characterisations of violent organisations.